ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE.

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VII, Issue 578, 15 February 1851, Page 3

ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE.

To the Editor of the “New Zealand Svectatorf ellington, 11th February, 1851, Sir—ln the Wellington Independent of Wednesday last appeared a leading article which, judgingfr< ni its outrageous folly’, should have been dated from Bedlam, st. Luke’s, or the Settlers’ Constitutional Association ; in this article the writer in effect asserts that all men who opposed their hole and corner resolutions were a government party, hired by a despotic government to thwart the efforts of their fellow~settlers to obtain political freedom. What are the facts?— A few gentlemen called a meeting two months since of a portion of the settlers for the purpose of getting themselves nominally appointed by the public to frame a constitution for New Zealand, which when printed was found to be mere shreds and patches of the constitutions of Earl Grey and Sit George,—Godlev and Molesworth, interwoven with much original absurdity, schoolboy twaddle, aud many unfounded assertions, of its worthy compiler's. Although strong feelings of respect for Sir George Grey, and confidence in his government prevail in this settlement, no organized government party exists in this district, nor had I, nor as far as I can learn had the other persons, who opposed the bombastic resolutions, any’ connection with the Local Government; unconnected either psrtjL hf wjtii other ws street! in thinking the proposed resolutions impracticable. and opposed to the true interests and liberties of the settlers. Would the resolutions if made laws confer real liberty on the people?— No, they would doubtless give them power to select from any class of British subjects, men probably untried, whom the majority of voters believed would be able and faithful servants, whose hands they would arm with despotic power more like that of an Algerine Dey, than that conferred by the British Constitution on the Imperial Parliament. The power to do evil would be too great, the temptation to inflict wrong would be too strong, to be safely trusted even to a council of Washingtons or Franklins, much less to a Faction who have always aimed atforminga landed oligarchy from the needy adventurers who purchased sections of the New Zealand Company,—l allude not to such men as Mr. Clifford, who, however useless as statesmen, have done much by their judicious expenditure of capital to develope the resources of the colony, but to those who vainly thinking that their landorders should give them power to live idly on the labours of the industrious classes, incessantly strive to thrust themselves as leaders on the settlers whom they insolently term their immigrants, but who are nauseated at ,the conceit of adventurers without ca- ; pital, who too ignorant for mechanics, and too idle for labourers, seem to deem their unfitness for every useful employment a sufficient qualification for political I’eadprship. From the differ-

ence of opinion which hasalw aysexisted as tothe best form of Government, in a population of a thousand adult males many men may differ from the notions of six amateur statesmen without being either fools, rogues, liars, or the bought dependents of the Local Government. I was strongly averse to the resolutions—firstly, from the dictatorial manner in which they were thrust upon the public—secondly, from their confusing the points ,of legislative and executive government, —thirdly, from the unjust power desired by the framers over the natives, —fourthly, from the doubts entertained whether, if the resolutions were made laws they would confer real liberty even on the white population. In a civilized life absolute freedom is impossible, and I think that plan of government the most perfect which confers equal liberty, giving the majority a just power in controlling the Government but checking all tyranny over the minority. Ido not deny the abstract justice of universal suffrage, but doubt its beneficial working in practice, —that which we obtain with no trouble we either despise or esteem lightly. That gross tyranny,may exist even with universal suffrage I will cite an ancient instance to prove: —The oldest and most noted democracy of which I have read was the Athenian Republic. About 450 years before Christ an Egyptian king sent t..e Athenians a quantity of corn as a gilt. The citizens of Athens who, in all, amounted to less than, twenty thousand men quanelled about sharing the grain, and the strongest party on a false charge of illegitimacy refused any share of the corn to five thousand of their fellow citizens, disfranchised them, robbed them of their property, and finally sold them cis slaves. This was the act not of a set of savages—but of a people skilled in oratory, learning, and the fine arts; this infamous deed was perpetrated in the time of Pericles one of the greatest Athenians, and during, one of the most memorable eras of Athens. Ibis Athens had what a French Red Republican would call the freest of all forms of government,—all measures ofgovernment were put to the vote of public meetings of the Athenian citizens, for Representative Government was unknown in those days. Our resolutionists somewhat reverse the principle of tne unjust Greeks above cited, for knowing themselves to be much fewer in number than the natives they coolly disfranchise the majority,—deprive them of the custody of their lands, and at last doom their whole race—not to be sold as slaves, but (by a few strokes of the pens of six Solons of Wellington) to utter extinction in a few years. More than this, they reserve the power of altering their constitution at pleasure, consequently I should feel no surprise if the Council (who must of course be all chosen from the Alehouse Patriots) were to disfranchise myself and the lew hundred others who dare to think for ourselves on the grounds that we are slaves, advocates of despotism, and so forth, and therefore unworthy of the suffrage. Asking no praise—fearing no censure—seeking no gain but the welfare of my adopted country. I havebeen with no shadowofproofor evenanyrational ground for belief, reviled by themin speech and libelled in print, as a bribed emissary of Sir George Grey, with whom I have never exchanged one word relating to politics. If I believed that one honestand reflecting man either doubted my sole right to the labours of my pen and brains, or suspected me of having been bribed by any man. I would never again write a line or speak a word in the cause of the settlers of Wellington, but I utterly scorn the opinions and libels of the Faction. I remain, sir, Your humbie servant, Robert H. Carpenter.