MR. E. G. WAKEFIELD'S THIRD LETTER TO MR. H. PETRE. THE SOUTHERN COLONIES : THEIR MUNICIPAL ANNEXATION OR, THEIR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE. Reigate 20th Sept., 1849.

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VI, Issue 475, 20 February 1850, Page 4

MR. E. G. WAKEFIELD'S THIRD LETTER TO MR. H. PETRE. THE SOUTHERN COLONIES : THEIR MUNICIPAL ANNEXATION OR, THEIR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE. Reigate 20th Sept., 1849.

My dear Henry Petre — In continuation of my letter to you of 16th April, which was originally sent by the Cornwall, and in duplicate by the Pekin, I now write by the Berkshire on the most important of the subjects of the former communication. You'will readily understand, that during the recess of Parliament, nothing very important can have taken place here with respect to the question of questions for the colonists of New Zealand. I bear,' indeed, that the Canterbury Association has addressed Lord Grey on the subject of local self government for the islands, urging that the progress of their great colonising enterprise depends on his compliance with their desire, that at least the intended settlement of Canterbury should possess representative institutions. They cannot but know, that it is impossible to induce many of that higher class of emigrants for .whom their settlement is specially intended, to quit this free country with a prospect of undergoing political slavery in a colony-. But I also bear that their letter to the Colonial Minister, though written more than two months ago, remains unanswered ! During the recess of Parliament, application* of this kind may be ca»t aside by the Colonial office

as unworthy of notice. It would be idle to repeat an application which has been received with such marked contempt. From the Co~ lonial office, from the Government, from the influence of public opinion in this country, I expect nothing good for the colonists till Parliament shall meet again ; and not much.then. So far as my experience goes, Parliament never seriously attends to a colonial question, except only when the question is used for party purposes in this country. On such occasions, as when Lords Brougham and Lyndhurst attacked Lord Durham's Canadian Ordinances, and Lord Melbourne yielded the point in a way deeply to injure his rival — or as when Lord Grey (then Howick) and the Whigs baited Lord Stanley for two years about New Zealand affairs — Parliament takes a lively interest in the colonial matter. Do you think that it was anything but strong party feeling here, without any regard to New Zealand, that enabled us, in 1845, to make a debate in the House of Commons on New Zealand affairs, that lasted three days r ? On that occasion, as on all others that I can recollect when Parliament gave time and attention to a colonial topic, the topic itself — the interest of the colony — was merely the battle-field of the Ins and Outs at home. Nor is this to be wondered at. It is in the nature of things, that the Parliament of this country should never care intrinsically, so to speak, about a distant colony. And unfortunately at the present time, the state of parlies in this country is such as to forbid the hope of being able to get up in parliament an extrinsic or party interest in any colonial question. If we had a Ministry relying for support on its party alone, and if, accordingly, we had an organized Opposition looking to office, the case would be different. Indeed, if parties at home were in their ordinary state, the present state of our colonial empire would furnish the Opposition with many excellent opportunities of attacking the Government ; and the colonies could not but gain, as New 'Zealand did in 1845, by these party conflicts at home. As it is, I see no chance of any party movement at home in favour of the colonies. The Colonial Office, and above ill the obstinate Lord Grey, care for nothing but an adverse vote in Parliament. Never, in my recollection, was the Office so free as it is now, to disregard the prayers, and ruin the interests of the colonies. At the same time, I begjof the colonists to understand that I do not withdraw a former expression of hope, that next session of P irliament will produce some good for the Southern Colonies in general. Although party motives there are none just now, for inducing politicians at home to work for the colonies, yet the number of those who, like Sir William Molesworth and Mr. Adderley, are zealous colonial reformers without party motives, is continually increasing. The discussions in Parliament last session, the unremitting efforts of a few as propagators of the faith in colonial fitness for self-government, and, above all, the discontented slate of many colonies ; all these things conspire to enlarge and strengthen the little band of earnest Colonial Reformers. We are acting, too,' with more concert and co-operation than I remember to have existed before. I have reason to think, that at the opening of the Session next year, a carefully prepared bill will be submitted to the House of Commons, for giving to all the colonies of the South — that is, South Africa, the Australias, Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand — institutions of government in accordance with the Adderley Resolutions of last Session. The principles of the intended Bill are not quite settled ; for whilst we all agree in the necessity of representative institutions, and of placing under the exclusive legislative and executive jurisdiction of colonial governments, all subjects not specifically withheld as being of imperial concern, some of us are of opinion, that instead of settling the form of colonial government, Parliament would do wisely to bestow constituent authority on the colonies — that is, authority to settle themselves the form of their governments. To this course, I, for one, 3m strongly inclined, for the three reasons which follow : first, because uniform constituent legislation here, for places so various and distant, must of necessity be full of blunders and the seeds of dissatisfaction ; secondly, because the trouble of endeavouring to make here an acceptable constitution of government for people so distant from us and so much out of our knowledge, would be interminable : that is, in other words, the work of constitution making would be a sort of amusement and make-believe, without practical result ; and lastly, because the plan of letting colonies make and alter their own constitutions at pleasure, is recommended by its success in the great days of English colonisation. The advocates of constituent local authority contemplate proposing, that the colonies of the South shajj, like the emigrant founders of New England, have a delegation of authority from Parliament, empowering

them " from time to time to make, ordain, and establish all manner pf laws, statutes, orders, directions and instructions whatsoever, as well for settling ;th« forms and ceremonies of goivernment aud magistracy, as for the naming and styling qf all. sorts of officers, both superior and inferior." .But this proposal will not be adopted : it will only lead to useful discussion next year : nei'.her this nor any other proposal for really emancipating the colonies from subjection to Downing-stße.et, will have practical results, until the colonists take the matter into their own hands. Expect no really efficient hep on this side of the world. " Help yourselves, and Heaven will help you." Leave off crying to a deaf Jupiter, and put your own shoulder to the wheel. This brings me to an event which does promise greatly for the^Southern colonies. Be sure thaf it did ,not happen here. It can only be of service to the colonies because it did not happen here, but there. I allude to the resistance of South Africa to Lord Grey's scheme of convict emigration. This is a signal instance of colonial self-reliance. The colonists, having no friends here, and not blindly fancying that they have some, take the question into their own hands. They have settled it by handling it themselves. By their high feeling for the honour and moral welfare of their country, they have proved themselves worthy of self government ; and their fitness for it is proved by their unanimity, their resolution, their prudence and their power. Behold them acting as one man, immovable by either threat or cajolery, cautious to avoid violence wliich would have given their Gdvernment an advantage over them, and yet, 01 tather therefore, successful. As respects convict emigration, they have taken self government, by means of excommunicating their government. Of course it will not stop there. The people of South Africa, roused to self reliance by this iniquity of their government, have discovered their own strength, and will surely use it for other and more important purposes. They have taught a great lesson to the other colonies. They have shown that neglected and injured colonists have at their disposal a sure means of redress ; namely, the excommunication of their government. Excommunicate the government ! Honour be to the people of the Cape for this potent invention. This, however, is not a weapon to be lightly used. It is only fit for great occasions, when the opinion of the community is almost unanimous. Nor do I insist, that this is specifically the very best means by which a colony may be more than a match for its distant and tyrannical government. It is the principle of the Cape plan of action which I so much admire ; passive resistance in perfection. lam persuaded that it is only by means of such passive resistance to their Governments as shall render that distant bureaucratic rule impossible, that the colonists of the South will obtain institutions of real self-goverument. Particular modes and measure! of resistance are irffinitely numerous, though just now, judging from its success, I suppose the Cape plan of excommunicating the Government to be the best. But whatever mode may be preferred, the simultaneous adoption of it by all the colonies of the South would add immeusely to its force. Union in each colony — union among the colonies — both for the purpose of passive resistance toDowning-street until Parliament shall allow the colonies to manage their own affairs, including the making of their own merely local constitutions — this is my general notion of a plan which would surely accomplish its object. The leading colony, which is New South Wales, should take the lead : or rather I mean, speaking for New Zealand, that I (rust the younger of the southern colonies would be content with the humblest place in that association or voluntary confederation of the group, which, if it were cautiously and yet firmly managed, wonld overcome the' tribe of Mother-country, and soon make Polynesia the most loyal, as well as the most prosperous portion of the colonial empire of England. But surely the political slaves of the Cape would not be left out of this confederation or convention, which had in no small measure grown out of their brave and wise proceedings. The example of that colony is most worthy to be followed. The people of the Cape utterly set aside the rivalries and jealousies of race which have hitherto distracted them, in order to carry their one grand point. They have never been jealous of other colonies ; and I see with real pleasure, by the recent newspapers of Australia and New Zealand, that in that whole group, inter-colonial jealousy seems to be dying out. It was high time. You are all Englishmen, enduring common misery, struggling for a common birthright. Will you let the Dutchmen of the Cape surpass yon in sense and courage ? These last, with their fellow-colonists of British origin, all pulling together in order to escape what they deem a national "disgrace and affliction," are stronger than the despotic Colonial Office ; they will beat Lord Grey in spite of his

dogged aelfrGQnceit, ,and of' thajt jfrate of pinties at borne which makes it idjje.fojr,n colony, to appeal to Parliament. Will the rich and geographically independent colonies of Australasia do less ? I long and expect to hear, th&tthe Gape affair has;moved them to vigorous effort ipxonoQr<t ; and I earnestly pray that l^vF'&ealaad rfnsy ;be represented by delegates sent to some central spot, to confer and com* with the delegates from New South Wales, Port Phillip, Tasmania, and South Australia. This meeting of my direams and waking hopes, would make the Southern Colonies free colonies, though more than ever part, because an attached part, of the British Empire. Anticipating that some such colonial Jeagjie may take place before you can receive this letter, I venture to say to the delegates, Be assured that a mere repetition of the old course of petitioning will be of no avail. A petition to Parliament from the colonies is mere waste parchment, except when we can turn its prayer into a party question at home ; and that we cannot do in the present state of home parties. You might as well send blank skins, as skins bearing" jpur remonstrances and prayers. Just now, "the public mind at home is not susceptible of being affected by colonial petitions for the action of Parliament in favour of the colonies. But the public mind at home is in a state with regard to colonies, which affords you the opportunity of making a most favourable impression on it. There is a large and growing party, which desires that the colonies shall be independent. This party has sprung up during the last three years, in consequence of the troubled state of most of the colonies since Lord Grey and Mr. Hawes took the reins in Down-ing-street. It was supposed when those eager Colonial Reformers got into office, that at length there would be an end of the sufferings and discontents of the Colonies. Instead of this, the colonies suffer more than ever from Dorfning-street government, and are more than ever troubled and discontented. The conclusion is, that good government of the colonies as dependencies is impossible. Ido not hold this doctrine ; but it has spread far and wide, and is still spreading. One hears continually among men of all ranks and parties such talk as this — " Hang the colonies : they are a nuisance : the sooner we get rid of them the better." And so at length say I, after 20 years of striving to extend and consolidate the colonial empire of England ; but I say it with a condition. The conduionis, provided we cannot get good municipalgovernment— real local selfgovernment — for the colonies as parts of the British empire. Can we? I am not sure, lam sure, after hoping to the contrary for twenty years, that we cannot get a good administration of the waste lands by Downing-street ; and therefore I have finally joined those who would hand over to the colonies alone the entire administration of the waste lands. But the other question is not yet settled. It -will, probably be determined next year ; and I can think of nothing so likely to occasion its determination in favour of the greatness of the great empire which we are all proud of belonging to, as a call upon this nation by the colonies of the South, to choose between free municipal government for them and their complete independence. Say to England, either let us manage our own local affairs, including the making and altering of all local laws, add the appointment and removal of all local officers, as used to be the case in the New England colonies ; either annex' us to Old England by a tie that we should be proud and happy to preserve ; or in mercy cast us loose to shift for ourselves as independent nations. A petition conveying this prayer would not be wholly inoperative. It .would have the desired effect iv proportion to the unanimity of the colonies, to their organization for obtaining one or other of the objects of their prayer, and to the degree in which they impeded and harassed, by passive resistance the arbitrary governments which are converting them into enemies of the mother-country. The people of the Cape have shown you how to proceed. Your friends here will, "early next session, get up in Parliament some discussion of the whole question of municipal government for the Southern Colonies ; but more than this they cannot do for you. Eschew false reliances. Prove that you are fit to manage all your own affairs, by managing well this the most important of them, I remain, my dear H. Petre, Ever yours most truly, E. G. Wakefield.