NEWS OF THE WEEK. [From the Spectator, June 23.]
Colonial affairs have furnished subjects for speeches in Parliament, but can scarcely be *aid to have engaged the public attention. The Rebellion Losses Act of the Canadian Legislature, for instance, was the theme fora great historical and critical oration from Lord Brougham, and was the standard around which there was a simulated party struggle ; but it would be a stretch of charity to imagine that there was any real solicitude for Canada her- . •self. On the contrary, Canada, her own interests, wishes, and welfare, were scarcely thought of. Lord Brougham found plenty to criticise in the indiscriminate compensation for loyal or rebel alike ; he raked up somewhat forgotten material* for comparative criticism in Lord DurhamVxaport : but the discussion bad the serious disadvantage of being virtually retrospective, sine*, the question was settled long ago, and while the present Ministry remains in office it must proceed without change of policy* The debate brought c out the veteran Lyndhurtt, with a speech, simple, solid, and massy, acute, direct, and powerful, that had all the telling effect of his best days. On the strength perhaps of having essayed to write the Lives 4)/ the G&anceltors — by one of themselves that j» to be — Lord "Plain John" assumed the privilege to make certain critical remarks on the aged ex-Chancellor, more remarkable for « sort of stolid bluntness of feeling than for good taste or acumen. Being rebuked by the not flattering cry of" question," Lord Campbell resorted r to an impudent device for buying the attention of the House ; he became more personal, and so disarmed the resentment of the audience by exciting its curiosity ; he called to mind Lord Lyndhurst's memorable description of the Irish — " aliens in blood, religion, and language V' »n indiscreet phrase utiewd by th« Tor* Peer before had laid
its tardy frost upon his vigorous tongue, in times of party heat ; hut one of which the sequel has attested the hitter truth. The Canada debate was settled in favour of ministers, like the Navigation debate, by the proxies ; the majority of Peers present being adverse. But there is a distinction . between the two cases. The Navigation question had been before the public from time immemorial, and all the Peers who bad come to years of discretion must have made up their minds upon it ; it is recent and special, and was still under the course of elucidation. In the Navigation case the absent Peers must all have sent their votes with judgment fully informed ; in the other case their votes must have been sent merely to keep in the Whigs. The Commons have evaded another colonial question — the alienation of Vancouver's Island to the Hudson's Bay Company. Lord Lincoln laid the long narrative of facts before the House, from the dubious legality of ths tenure, down to the delusive " case" on which the Colonial Office permitted the Company to obtain the opinion of counsel. But excepting two or three dozen members, who sat ready to be counted as soon as Mr. Hawes should be ready to be interrupted, the House staid away. Lord Marcus Hill contributed to that half holiday, by " whipping out" members ; though it is but fair to say that he denies haing taken any " open" measures towards that result. The manner in which the performance of this " duty" was avowed is cool. The Transportation for Treason Bill, which declares the law on the subject of the Royal prerogative of mercy in Ireland, has been handled by the Irish members in their usual combination of bluster and chicanery. Mr. Smith OBrien had declined a conditional pardon — a pardon on condition of submitting to a servile banishment ; and as it did not seem likely that the Royal clemency would be revoked, the other prisoners caught at the idea, and conspired to reject the condition : the Irish members aided the stratagem ; and under cover of repudiating a servile condition as worse than death, they Joined in endeavouring to snatch the boon of mercy without its conditions. They failed ; although, by provoking several quarrels and insulting three Irish members, Mr. Roebuck did much to enlist popular sympathy on the side of the convicts. Although Mr. Stuart Wortley has carried his Marriage Bill through its seconJ reading in the House of Commons, by 177 to 143, it is assumed, too hastily, that so large a minority must have the effect of arresting the progress of the bill ; and the more so, since Mr. Gladstone made a very effective speech against it. But minorities, however respectable, have seldom so arbitrary an influence ; and we see many signs, whereof the Lord Advocate's support is not the least, that public opinion in favour of the bill is steadily gaining ground. Mr. Gladstone's speech was very effective, but its whole power was derived from a copious marshalling of authorities. It has been observed, that as the subject is one to be settled by authority, such a speech should be conclusive ; but the House of Commons is not competent to accept an authority; its function is to make laws ; and no warrant can empower it to act ministerially in executing some external decree. If the question is one of religions authority, it should be left for a spiritual tribunal. The Parliament must deal with the portion within its province, the civil part ; and in that it must act on the substantial merits, dispensing its qualifications and prohibitions according to civil and social consequences. If there is something beyond — an ecclesiastical part which the commons are not qualified to handle — let that be left to ecclesiastical authority and enforced by ecclesiastical powers. Lord Nugent has attempted a movement towards an equalization of the poor-law rating : which varies, in the comparison of different districts, from one farthing in the pound, or even nt/» to fourteen- shillings ! He proposes to transfer the support of the poor to the "general revenue of the country;" the funds to be dispensed by officers under the central authority. But the feeling against the abolition of all the check upon reckless expenditure, which is furnished by local assessments, was too strong ; and Lord Nugent was prevented in his wish to withdraw the motion — it was flatly negatived, without division. At the same time, a strong opinion was expressed in favour of revising the whole subject. It stands over till men competent to deal with it actively can be found.
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New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VI, Issue 450, 24 November 1849, Page 4
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1,072NEWS OF THE WEEK. [From the Spectator, June 23.] New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VI, Issue 450, 24 November 1849, Page 4
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