THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC. [From the Times, Dec. 27.]
The perplexity which we have felt in saluting by his proper titles the new ruler of France is not diminished by the reception which bis fellow countrymen have just accorded him in his exalted capacity. Few seemed to know the terms in which their congratulations should be couched. A popular organ of French opinion suggested that silence was the best expedient in such an embarrassment, and that no one should venture to specify his grounds of rejoicing lest the anticipations of his neighbour from the same felicitous event should be found to be exactly opposite. Fortunately, however; an expression was discovered, on the day of the inaugural ceremony, in which the sentiments of all might coincide. It was "not a Consul, or a General, or a Prince, or an Emperor, or a President, who was before them, but a Bonaparte alone. " Vive Napoleon" was the universal cry, and it is the restoration of an Imperial family which we presume we are now to hail. Those who recognise the theory of a cyclical course of events will have been edified with the illustrations of the doctrine which the last week has contributed. A twelvemonth ago the true Imperialists formed a party among the French people but one step advanced, in numbers or insignificance, above the true Republicans. The Republicans had their day first — the Imperialists have it now. ' It argues but little to scrutinise the composition of that enormous majority by which a Napoleon has been again placed at the head of the French people. It may be the result, as M. Odillon Barrot alleges, of a "fusion of " ptt ties in one common sentiment," or it may indicate a less permanent or satisfactory compromise. There it is, however — an accomplished fact. The French nation has declared its opinion under circumstances more fa- ~ vorable to a deliberate expression of sentiment than have often fallen to the lot of any country. The result is significant in more points •of view than one. That section of the population which -proclaimed itself emphatically '" the people," which arrogated to itself the j ' ibsohrte sovereignty of France, which mena-j' ced with proscription and plunder,
and sword, any opposition to its most extravagant caprices, has been weighed and nura--bered, and has been found to comprise, in all its varieties, not half a million heads out of seven millions and a half. Even throwing into the scale of Ledru Rollin and Raspail all the doubtful, blank, and unconstitutional votes which were found in the ballot-boxes, the total number polled for these champions of the Social Republic will not reach 500,000 out of 7,449,471. One in fifteen! — a proportion exactly identical with that disclosed in our own metropolis between the enemies a,nd friends of public order. But fourteen short months ago a solemnity of unusual occurrence even amongst the multiform fetes of Paris aroused the sympathies and recollections of frenchmen. A true and veritable Marshal of the Empire was consigned to the vaults of the Invalides. Amongst the mourners who followed the coffin through the long ranks of veterans across the noble court of the hospital were some relics of the Grand Army. The red lancer with the Polish shako which has since become common to his class, the chasseur of the guard with his boots and pelisse, and the old grenadier with his blue coat and his bearskin cap, were there presented in living reality to a wondering generation of their successors. The Republic in place of the Monarchy was transformation strange enough, it is true ; but who then could have conceived that the characters and titles of the Empire would within a year be resuscitated into actual life ; that a Napoleon would again take up his abode in the royal palace, and receive the salutes of thousands on the Place Vendome, that one Bonaparte would preside at the Invalides, that another would proceed as Ambassador to London, that a Pajol and a Ney would again figure on an Imperial staff, and that the bourgeoisie of Paris should fall back in respect and reverence before a trumpeter of the Imperial Guard ? It was on a bitterly cold winter morning nearly half a century ago that the form of a Republic was last superseded in Paris by the j promotion of a Napoleon. Out of 3,012,569 electors 3,011,007 had acquiesced in the substitution of a Bonaparte for the' miserable mimicries of a constitution. After some coquetry and some precautions, the new chief of the people entered formally upon the dignities of his office. Proceeded by a glittering escort, he took possession of the ancient palace of the Capets, and signalised his accession by the characteristic solemnity of a gorgeous military review. On every side the crowd pressed round to salute him with cries and acclamations, to admire the style of his horsemanship and the nobleness of his air. His "grave and pensive beauty," says the historian, attracted the eyes of all, and upon his life and safety the destinies of France were unanimously admitted to hinge. Almost might we have transferred this description of the great Napoleon to our columns of yesterday which related the elevation of his nephew. There were differences no doubt. Perhaps the no^y volunteers of the bnnlieu might be thought an indifferent substitute for the 96th and 30th demi-brigades, with Lannes, Murat, and Bessieres, at their head ; and it would hardly be difficult to construct the aggregate of particulars into a tolerably faithful parody. But so analogous were the great features of the ceremony, and so wonderful were the consequences of this resurrection of a name, that it would be hard to say what scenes in the history of France are now beyond hope of revival. We have no desire to disparage the new Napoleon. Whatever may be the degeneracy of present politics, bis debut was more suggestive of the days of the real Empire than that of M. Louis Blanc was of the days of the real Republic. He will find at as much work as awaited his great namesake in the interior administration of France. Credit was not worse, private fortunes were not more dilapidated, public fortune was not more completely ruined in 1800 than it was in 1848. The leading proposal of Napoleon I. was peace. We trust it may be equally so of Napoleon 11. This part of his work is done to bis hands ; he needs no campaign of Marengo to secure his pacification of Amiens. But if be can restore France to anything lite even that prosperity which she gratuitously suffered to perish in either carelessness or wantonness of spirit, it will be no longer possible to question the existence of virtue in a name. One week has now elapsed since Louis Napoleon Bonaparte took possession of his official residence, held his levee, and retired to rest in the last chamber which his uncle ever occupied in Paris. We will not speculate upon the sentiments with which he may have rambled over the abodeso strangely recovered, but his great predecessor was certainly at no loss to comprehend his position on the analogous occasion to which we have referred. "Eh bien, Bourrienne," he remarked, turning to the 'secretary at bis side as soon as he gained a moment's privacy, "JS } k> bien, nous T)oila done tmc WutfsriesJ Maintenant ilfaut yrister/" -' -' •- ■ ."- - *■* -' V ! --
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New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume V, Issue 393, 9 May 1849, Page 4
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1,231THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC. [From the Times, Dec. 27.] New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume V, Issue 393, 9 May 1849, Page 4
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