BROTHER JONATHAN ON EUROPEAN POLITICS. [From the Times, May 17.]

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume V, Issue 334, 11 October 1848, Page 3

BROTHER JONATHAN ON EUROPEAN POLITICS. [From the Times, May 17.]

We have received a file of American journals, which, like the last that we noticed, are filled with speculations on the probable result of the late chartist demonstration. Brother Jonathan seems to have given rein to his imagination. Long after the last of the extraordinary guardians of the public peace in London had thrown his club at the feet of his domestic Omphale, and yielded to the proud weakness of a hero returned borne, the good folks of New York gave us credit for having altered the form, of our constitution. In London we were at Year 1 of the British republic, under the auspices of President Cuffey. • The corrupt aristocracy' had taken flight, the Dukes of Newcastle and Norfolk were seriously perpending by what means they could earn an honest livelihood. - The Bench of Bishops had been massacred in batches, and a receipt in full for the national debt had been tendered for signature to the Chancellor^ of-lhe Exchequer. This has not been quite so, but it is amusing enough to see with wuat Alneschar speed the American sympathizers built up their castles in the air. Here is the first note of the trumpet : — - " There is the greatest interest manifested in the city, and indeed throughout. the country, to receive later advices from Europe. The new steamship Ameiica, which is now in her 14th day, may arrive at any moment. She will bring oue week later intelligence. Actual war between Russia and Germany for the, independence of Poland ; Austria and Prussia for supremacy in Germany ; Denmark and Prussia for the annexation of Holstein to the German Confederation, aud Sardinia for the independence of Italy ; and a revolution in England and Ireland for universal suffrage, and a repeal of the union, or something more, may have broken out in even that brief space of time." There is an old comparison in the literature of the United States — when it is wished to express speed the simile of " gTeased lightning" is employed by the more forcible writers.

We have in Europe been proceeding at a pace rapid enough in all conscience, without playing out on all sides such a general St. Bartholomew as this. With the full recollection before us of the sepulchral tones in which a few weeks back the itinerant newsmen who traversed the more distant squares and streets of the metropolis used to roar out their cry of " War ! war ! war I Funds down ! Funds down !" we must demur to these anticipations of our republican friends on the other side of the Atlantic. The passage we have just quoted relatei to Europe in general — here is one which deals with the case of Great Britain in particnlar : — " The condition of England, or rather that of the whole British empire, has, according to the last accounts, reached a public crisis — one from which there would seem to be no escape, without either a revolution or a bloody civil war. The determined movements and demonstrations made by the Chartists, in England and Scotland, as well as those of the Repealers in Ireland, present one of the most menacing attitudes that the British empire has assumed for the last two centuries. There is nothing in the history of that kingdom which affords a parallel to it, till we go back to the scenes which preceded the old revolution of 1640. For years, it is true, the Irish Repealers havo been endeavouring, isolated and alone, to effect a legislative separation, or rather a dismemberment of the legislative union with England. These movements, which were hitherto under the guidance of O'Connell, were always nipped at that point of development, which, once passed, would lead to a bloody revolution. O'Connell and his faction merely used the popular passions and impulses to intimidate the British Government, and induce them to comply with their hungry desire for office and emolument. In some respects, the popular movements hitherto attempted in Ireland and Scotland present similar features ; but recent ■events have changed the character of the scene, ' and it is. as we say, an even chance, according to the last accounts, whether England is at this moment declared a republic, or is in the midst of a civil and bloody war that may last for years to come." The news of the demonstration at Kenning-ton-comraon and of the internecine battle between the t«o sections of Repealers at Limerick had not yet, it should seem, reached the editorial office at New York. The passage we have just quoted is written in a calm, philosophical tone, calculated to carry conviction •to the reader's mind. The writer evidently thinks of himself as a man who knows what lie is talking about, just as the Abbe Lamennais does when he speaks of England as still living under the rotten borough regime. The result is somewhat calculated, we may fairly presume, to injure the prophet in the estimation of his disciples. England most certainly is not a Republic, nor are v.c in the midst of a civil war which is likely to last for years to •come. The writer next day warms with his subject. Not only has he arrived at the conclusions just enunciated upon philosophical grounds, but superstit.on has added force to the deductions of reason. Thunder has been ' heard on the left, a timely sneeze has confirmed the presumption, and, lastly, Jim Grant in shaving the writer on the eventful morning in question, drew blood from his republican cheek :—: — " Still, with all these views and determined purposes, the question may be asked, will the Chartist demonstration end in a mere row — an utter abortion ? Our own deliberate opinion is that if that immense multitude, which was to assemble on the occasion, can stand the onset of the military for one hour, there will be a revolution in London, and throughout the British empire. Of late years, the English mob have not displayed much physical courage, but the mob of Chartists, at the last accounts, was to be led by men of similar calibre and physical courage to those detrmiued men who made the revolution in the i7th century, and established the commonwealth of that day. The excitement and example of France, Prussia, and Austria, including, also, that of the Italians in Lombardy, may shame and determine the English to meet the soldiery with a resolute purpose and a determined will. If this feeling prevail, and blood be shed on the onset Ly the military, we would not give much for the privileges of the British aristocracy, or even the crown of Victoria herself. The -chances are decidedly in favour of the attempted revolution in England ; and, if we were inclined to superstition, we would be induced to believe that it has already taken place. Yesterday morning the immortal Jim ■Grant, a native of the north of Scotland — a •thorough-going Chartist himself, and a capital shaver of ultra republicans — for the first time in many years drew blood in performing the operation on our cheek. We jumped up at once, and declared it to be a favourable omen for the success of the revolutionary cause in England. The next steamer will solve the mystery, and determine the fact." Jim Grant is, of course, decisive upon the

point. With what complacency must not the philanthropic Republican have gazed upon the blood bedabbled shirf! The ruddy drops were emblematic in his eyes of the red torrents which were then flowing down the gutters of Hol'born-hill and Fleet-street. The aristocrats of Belgravia and May-fair were already appended to the lamp-posts in their several quarters, and all was going on as well as could be desired in Arkansas or Ohio. We were not a little surprised at finding our own class, the journalists of England, impressed in the next sentence under the Republican banners :—: — " We know it to be a fact, that the greater portion of those connected with the London press as writers or contributors, as well as those connected with the provincial press throughout the empire, are thoroughly imbued with Republican principles, and are utterly hostile to the continuance of the power which has so long been monopolized in the monarchy, aristocracy, and church. Free trade in commerce was the first movement of the intelligent classes, who have been preparing for several yeais past to carry out the same principle in land, in the church, and in the privileges granted to a certain portion of the aristocracy. Free trade in every department ot human existence, or in other words, democratic institutions, have been the purpose of Cobden and all the Chartists for many years past." Words and feelings must be strangely a* variance if this be so, for, as far as our recol" lection of the facts extends, ridicule to a con* siderable extent was heaped by all the writer B of the London press upon the National Convention. The Irish Repealers, again, have not been spared, either the O'Connell or the pike and vitriol party. The American writer may, of course, have at his disposal sources of information beyond our ken, but it would almost appear as though the means of information upon this subject were within every man's reach. Why not turn to the back files of the leading London journals, and ascertain what is the quality of the opinions therein advocated ? Unless we are strangely mistaken, they will be found to be far removed indeed from Republicanism. The American writers appear to make quite as gross a mistake with regard to the movements and motives of the party who under the auspices of Mr. Hume ' for the present, are beginning to clamour for great constitutional changes. They do not, or will not see, that the public meeting, the hustings, and the floor of the house, are the only fields to which these leaders will conduct .their followers.