THE NEW ZEALAND BILL. [From the Daily News.]

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume IV, Issue 299, 10 June 1848, Page 3

THE NEW ZEALAND BILL. [From the Daily News.]

Deliberate and minute examination of the New Zealand Bill, which was read a second time last night in the House of Commons, only serves to establish its reprehensible and dangerous character. It has been introduced under false pretences ; it is intended to effect clandestinely a purpose which has been carefully concealed ; and even though its provisions were unexceptionable, it comes too late. It is introduced under false pretences. Governor Grey's objections to promulgate the New Zealand charter immediately, relate exclusively to the province of New Ulster — to that part of the northern island in which New Plymouth, Auckland, and the Bay of Islands are situated. After stating that he deems it his duty to refrain from giving effect "in the northern portion of New Zealand" to " that portion of the instructions which relates to representative institutions," he adds, " all the other portions of my instructions shall be carried cut as rapidly as possible." In a second despatch, indeed, Governor Grey hints that " for the present the legislative body of each colony should consist of one chamber, composed of the Governor and official and nonofficial members;" but he expressly adds, " the latter of whom might, in the southern colony, be at once elected by the people." In asserting, that in the measure to withhold all share in the election of members of the legislature from the New Zea'and colonists for five years the wishes of Governor Grey have been complied with, the authors of the bill have misrepresented that gentleman. The bill is intended to effect clandestinely a purpose which has been carefully concealed. It was described by Mr. Labouchere as meant tosuspend.for fiveyears the introduction of elective assemblies; with full powers of general local legislation. Not a word was said of its being intended to alter the franchise. Yet, in the fifth clause, we find the Governor empowered, " by and with advice of the said Legislative Council [anominee council!] to depart from thesaid first mentioned instructions in so far as the same relate to the nature and extent of the said qualification, and to make and ordain such other or further rules and regulations, taith respect to the nature and extent of the qualification for burgesses in the said municipal districts" as be may think proper. This is much the same as if the Grey ministry, after carrying the Reform Bill, had, under pretext of postponing the period at which it was to come into operation, endeavoured to smuggle a clause empowering the 'cabinet for the time being to alter the ten pound franchise. Lastly, even though the provisions of the

bill were unexceptionable, it comes too late. I The colonists are already aware of the nature and extent of the constitutional privileges conferred upon them by the act for the better government of New Zealand, and the letters patent issued under it. The newspapers reporting the debates relating to that measure while it was under the consideration of parliament, have informed them of this. Even though they should not be aware of the nature and extent of the modifications in their constitution which Governor Grey thinks desirable, they will learn by the next mail that goes out, that he recommended for both provinces a legislative body, consisting of " one chamber composed of the Governor and official and unofficial members, the latter of whom might, in the southern colony, be at once elected by the people." It cannot but create universal and dangerous discontent among the white population when the cup which they already feel touching their lips is dashed from tham — when, in momentary expectation of entering upon the exercise of > their new franchise, they shall be told that a law is being passed to withhold their exercise for several years, and, at the same time to empower the Governor and a nominee council to alter at their pleasure the electoral qualification. Is it safe thus to play with the expectations of Englishmen ? Or, admitting its safety, is it just or, honourable ? The settlers will be indignant at having the power to elect members of the local legislature withheld from them after the Governor has admitted that it may safely be conferred upon them ; and to have the constituency narrowed when no complaint has been made that it is too extensive. And they are sharp sighted enough to detect this discrepancy between the provisions of the bill and the pretext for its introduction : — The natives of New Zealand, it is said, will be irritated by seeing the power to tax them conferred on the whites ; and therefore the power to impose indirect taxes by a provincial legislature is withheld from the whites, while the power is left them by municipal councils to impose direct rales for local purposes. To crown the impolicy of these proceedings, the bi'l is to be sent out to New Zealand, not as a law finally passed by the legislature and sanctioned by the Crown, in which, as in something inevitable, the colonists might have reluctantly acquiesced ; but as a simple projet de loi respecting which they ir.ay and will indulge the hope that, in its progress beyond the second reading in the. lower house, something may occur to prevent its ever becoming law. Had ministers sought to devise a course of policy by which they might unsettle the minds of the colonists, and excite discontents amongst them, they could not have hit upon a course more sure to lead to the attainment of their object than that which they are now pursuing. The most extraordinary part of this business is the entire silence of those gentlemen who in former sessions, professed (o advocate, with so much zeal, the cause of the English settlers on Cook's Strait. Who can. have forgotten the eloquence with which tl\ey enforced the merits and the wrongs of those enterprising colonists — how often, and with what strength of argument, they traced great part of these wrongs to the wayward despotism of a governor, unchecked by a constitutional representation of the colonists ? And now, when a measure postponing the enfranchisement of all the settlers, and empowering the governor to exclude from the elective franchise parties to whom it was, promised by an act of the British legislature, has been brought forward, of all these impassioned orators Mr. Aglionby alone spoke to (not against) the first and second readings of the disfranchising bill. How is this change to be accounted for ? Have the interests of the promoters of New Zealand colonisation in this country, and of the New Zealand colonists at the antipodes, become distinct and incompatible since the New Zealand Company have had their lands and a loan confirmed to them by act of parliament? Some explanation on this head is assuredly due to the public by Lord Ingestre, Sir William Molesworth, Mr. Charles Buller, Mr. Aglionby, Mr. Mangles, and other ci-devant patrons of the settlers in New Zealand, for their conduce upon this occasion. And if explanation be not very satisfactory indeed, it is odds but the suspicions now abroad become stronger — that parties deeply implicated in persuading English families to remove their firesides to these remote islands, having grown tired of their hobby, are callously abandoning the emigrants to their fate ; and that the members of the New Zealand Company, who were animated by liberal and statesmanlike views of national advantage, having one by one seceded from it, a mere caput mortuum of speculating shareholders remains.