OUR SYSTEM OF COLONISATION. [ From the London Atlas.]

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume IV, Issue 276, 22 March 1848, Page 4

OUR SYSTEM OF COLONISATION. [ From the London Atlas.]

Few subjects connected with politics are more intricate in themselves, or surrounded by a more formidable array of adventitious difficulties, than that of colonisation. The greatest states and the most enlightend statesmen have here fouud their wisdom and experience at fault. All attempts at governing or founding colonies have hitherto been attended with very limited success, though the seeds of kingdoms and empires have thus been scattered over the world and produced results and consequences the most stupendous. What we complain of, therefore, is, not that the settlements made by various nations in various ages have not prospered, but that they have not been productive to the mother country of one tithe of the advantages which were expected from them even by the most sagacious and far-sighted politicians who originally contributed to give them birth. The effect aimed at by the organisation and working of a colonial system is nicely to adjust the balance of interest between the parent state and her migrating offspring, so that every advance in wealth and power made by the one may promote the prosperity of the other. If the distant possessions of a country rise suddenly into disproportionate importance, they soon come to be regarded as formidable at home, and if they linger long in feebleness and insignificance they are necessarily felt to be an incumbrance. To be an useful adjunct to the mother country, they must be so completely united to her that the vital circulation, as it were, may be the same in both ; that they may have the same sympathies, the same tastes, the same manners, the same elements of power and prosperity. It is easy, consequently, to comprehend 'how the task of creating fresh extensions to a state should in practice prove so arduous a one. It possibly requires the creation of a new order of statesmen, devoted exclusively to this single branch of politics, and contemplating every other from it as from their proper point of view. The convictions to which our own studies have conducted us may at first sight appear startling to many, especially if they have not considered the subject with the same patience and assiduity. But we have a strong faith in the principles at which we have arrived, and are persuaded that they only require satisfactory exposition to procure their acceptance with the public. We would create in every colony a double set of institutions, ma-

nicipal and legislative, for the management of such affairs as possess a local character ; but the superintendence of the relations existing between the colony and the mother country should be entrusted to representatives chosen by the colony, few or many, according to its extent and importance, and empowered to take their seats in the House of Commons. In this way our distant and numerous possessions standing apart, and having different interests as it were below, would at once converge towards a point and unite, and there would and could be no spirit or inclination generated but those of union and loyalty. It is not our intention to sketch at the present moment the subordinate constitutions which should be granted to the several colonies, based on an exact knowledge of their character, and carefully adapted to their wants ; that would be to venture upon details inconsistent with the character of a public journal. It is sufficient to have stated our general views. Other occasions w.ll, probably, present themselves for reverting to the topic, and glancing separately at the several branches into which it naturally divides itself. Of course it will be very easy, in objecting to the plan of colonial government we propose, to insist on the distance of many of our possessions from Great Britain, and on several other circumstances of an unfavourable nature. These difficulties, however, have not escaped us. We know how long it takes to reach London from the remotest of our settlements, and considering the facilities afforded by steam, are disposed to look upon distance as no objection or inconvenience at all. The advantages on the other hand would be innumerable. The leading men in every colony would thus be nurtured in English feelings, English habits, and English preference, and taught to look upon London as the capital, not only of their political and commercial interests, but of their heart. They would bring their children here to be educated, and their wives and daughters to be their companions during their legislative campaign, and on their return to their homes in the provinces would scarcely feel themselves to be separated by the ocean from the seat of imperial authority, and the centre of all their noblest hopes and predilections. This suggestion we have thrown out because from the course which public affairs are now taking, it seems perfectly evident to us that we shall shortly be compelled, whether we desire it or not, to re-construct our colonial system in order to adapt it to the growing wants of the empire. We have in these islands a superabundant population, energy immeasurable, and enterprise and capital, which if wisely directed might suffice to quicken all the wilderness of the world into life. But our vigour, perpetually forced back upon its source, may hitherto almost be said to have devoured itself. The growth of our colonies, rapid as it may appear, keeps no pace with the means of increase at our command. The vast hive we inhabit has visibly in it a thousand swarms ready to take flight if they knew in what direction to proceed, and where they might find a suitable resting-place, and these will shortly be so immensely multiplied that we shall be unable to refuse attention to their claims. Everybody knows we have space in our colonies more than sufficient to accommodate the population of all Europe, provided the means of passage could be called into existence. But the scale on which we are required to contemplate emigration is comparatively small. We have only to dispose of our surplus population, which, when industry and trade shall again have been restored to a healthy state, will not be nearly so great as seems to be commonly imagined ; but whether it be great or small it must be provided for, and when we rendered ourselves masters of our distant possessions it was chiefly with the design of securing our unemployed fellow-citizens a new country that we did so.