OPENING OF PARLIAMENT. Tuesday, January 19. THE QUEEN'S PROGRESS.

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume III, Issue 192, 2 June 1847, Page 3

OPENING OF PARLIAMENT. Tuesday, January 19. THE QUEEN'S PROGRESS.

At a quarter before two o'clock, the royal cortege proceeded from Buckingham Palace in the usual order, and by the accustomed route, along the Mall, through the Hoise Guards, Whitehall, and Parliament-street, to the Lords' entrance in Old Palace-yard. The whole line of the processian was much more crowded, not withstanding the gloomy and uninviting aspect of the day, thau we ever remember to have seen it on any similar occasion. The terraces on the Mall, the .magnificent flight of Carlton steps, and the windows and balconies along the route were thronged ; and in the Park itself there has scarcely been so great a inul.itude collected since the jdtes in celebration of the great peace in 1814. It -was a matter of general observation among the people themselves, and we heard it attempted to be accounted for by seveial on the ground that there were so many people out of work. But the cheerful countenances, the respectable attire, and the happy and contented bearing of the general mass, gave practical and emphatic contradiction to that supposition. Indeed her Majesty could have observed nothing in the appearance of these congregated thousands of her subjects, which jnust not add to her conviction that, despite of the somewhat cheerless character of the times, she continues to reign over the happiest and most loyal as well as the freest and most powerful people in the world. She was everywhere greeted with loud aud hearty cheering, which she acknowledged with manifest satisfaction, evidently deriving from it much consolation towards the painful task which she was about to undergo, ,of calling the attention of her Parliament to the sufferings of a large portion of the empire.

The conduct of the vast multitude in every direction was remarkable for good order and good humour, and it is as just as it may be expedient to observe, that the conduct of the police along the route was exceedingly courteous and forbearing, even when the unintentional pressure of the crowd might give excuse for some slight ebullition on the part of the younger amongst those entrusted with the preservation of order. On her Majesty's return from the House of Lor-is she was saluted with greetings even more enthusiastic than those which had gratified her on her progress down.

House of Lords. There was a numerous attendance of Peeresses. The many coloured garments and elegant head-dresses had a beautiful effect. The cor/js di[ tomaliqut arrived at an early hour. They occupied seats to the left of the throne. There was a seat on the right and left of the throne, that on the right being the seat of the Prince of Wales, whose arms it bore. j At half-past one o'clock the House became so dark that the throne could scarcely be seen j from t!:e reporters' gallery. The chandeliers were consequently lit — an unusual occurrence even at the opening and prorogation of Parliament. We cannot call a similar occurrence to mind : the general effect was in consequence materially heightened. Shortly before two o'clock the Lord Chancellor took his seat on the Woolsack. The Duke of Cambridge arrived nearly at the same time. The Duke of Wellington at rived at two o'clock, and was received by the Duke of Cambridge, with " Why, Duke, you look quite young." The Duke uuly appeared in excellent health. At a quarter past two o'clock the firing of cannon and the heralds' trumpets announced the arrival of the royal cortege at the Houses of Parliament. Afcer a short sojourn in the Robing room, the Queen and Prince Albert, accompanied by the Officers of State and of the Household entered in the usual form. Both her Majesty and her Royal Consort appeared in excellent health and spirits. She wore a magnificent tiara and stomacher of diamonds. As the foggy nature of the weather had by this time departed, the coup (Fail was magnificent in the extreme. Having taken her seat on the throne, and commanded the assembly to be seated, and the Commons having been summoned, the Lord Chancellor presented her Majesty with the Speech. Her Majesty then, in a clear, silvery voice, read the

Speech. My Lords and Gentlemen, — It is with the deepest concern that, upon your again assembling, I have to call your attention to the dearth of provisions which prevails in Ireland and in parts of Scotland. In Ireland especially, the loss of the usual food of the people has been the cause of severe suffering, of dise'se, and of greatly increased mortality among the poorer classes. Outrages have become frequent, chiefly directed against property ; and the transit of provisions has been rendered unsafe in some parts of the country. With a view to mitigate these evils, very large numbers of men hnve been employed and have received wages, in pursuance of an Act, passed in the last session of Parliament. Some deviations from that Act, which have been authorised by .the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in order to piomote more useful employment, will, I trust, receive your sanction. Means have been taken to lessen the pressure of want in districts which are most remote from the ordinary sources of supply. Outrages have been repressed, as far as it was possible, by the military and police. It is satisfactory to me to observe that in many of the most distressed districts the patience and resignation of the people have been most exemplary. The deficiency of the harvest in France and German}', and oiher pari«> of Europe, has added to the difficulty of ob aining adequate supplies of provihiens. It will be your duty to consider what further measures are required to alleviate the existing distress. I recommend to you to take into your serious consideration, whether by increasing for a limited period the facilities for importing corn from foreign countries, and by the admission of sugar more freely into breweries and distilleries, the supply of food may be beneficially augmented. I have likewise to direct your earnest consideration to the permanent condition of Ireland. You will perceive in the absence of political excitement, an opportunity for taking a dispassionate survey of the social evils whirh afflict that part of the United Kingdom. Various measures will be laid before you, which, if adopted by Parliament, may tend to raiss the great mass of the peoplo in comfort, to promote agriculture and to lessen the pressure of that competition for the occupation of land which has been the fruitful source of crime and misery. The marriage of the Infanta Luisa Fernanda of Spain to the Duke of Montpensier has given rise to a correspondence between my Government and those of France and Spain. The extinction of the Free State of Cracow has appeared to me to be so manifest a violation of the Treaty of Vienna, that I have commanded that a protest against that act should be delivered to the courts of Vienna, Petersburg, and Berlin, which were parties to it. Copies of these several papers will be laid before you. I entertain confident hopes that the hostilities in the River Plate, which have so long interrupted commerce, may soon be terminated ; and my efforts, in conjunction with those of th c

King of the French, will be earnestly directed to that end. My relations generally with Foreign Powers inspire me with the fullest confidence in the maintenance of peace.

Gentlemen of the House or Commons. _ I have directed the estimates to be prepared, with a view to provide for the efficiency of the public service, with a due regard to economy.

My Lords and Gentlemen, I have ordered every_ requisite preparation to be made for putting into operation the Ac 1 " of last session of Parliament, for the establishment of local courts for the recovery of small debts. It is my hope that the enforcement of civil rights in all paits of the country to which the A.ct relates may, by this measure, be materially facilitated. I recommend to your attention measures which will be laid before you for improving the health of towns, an object the importance of which you do not fail to appreciate. Deeply sensible of the blessings which, after a season of calamity, have been so often vouchsafed to this nation by a superintending Providence, I confide these important matters to your care, in a full conviction that your discussions will be guided by an impartial spirit ; and in the hope that the present sufferings of my people may be lightened, and that their future condition may he improved by your deliberative wisdom. After the delivery of the speech, the cortege left the House almost iv the manner in which it had entered. The whole ceremony did not occupy twenty minutes. Her Majesty and Prince Albert, on leaving the House, weie warmly cheered. The Lords re-assembled at Five o'clock.

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH. The Lord Chancellor then, in due form, proceeded to read Her Majesty's Speech. At the close <if the reading of which, — Lord Hatherton said it was his duty to invite their Lordship's consideration to the Address he had the honour of proposing in reply to the speech of her Most Gracious Majesty, which they had just heard read. The noble lord concluded by moving the draught of an address which was, as usual, an echo of the speech. Lord Carew briefly seconded the motion of Lord Hatherton. Lord Stanley was happy to express Ms belief that, as the government had abstained from introducing into her Majesty's speech any •expression which must necessarily lead to discussion, so there was no wish on the part of those who had not reposed their confidence in that government to embarrass them by premature opposition. Having attained power by no factious proceedings of their own, but by a combination of circumstances, her Majesty's advisers had peculiar claims to the forbearance of the house, and they might rest assured that so long as they walked in the path of the constitution and avoided rash and dangerous innovations, they would be met, not only by no factious opposition on that side of the House, but also by a ready and disinterested support. In this spirit and temper he would proceed to make a few observations, premising that, :roiu the significant omission of any allusion to the financial condition of the country in the speech, it might be argued that that condition was not so satisfactory as it appeared on the face of the last quarterly returns ; in fact, he was afraid lest in the course of the next six months there should be such an increase of imports over exports as seriously to inconvenience the country by reducing the quantity of bullion. In passing then to the topics- contained in the speech, he was sure all mu*>t rejoice in the prospect of I continued peace, though his confidence in that prospect was based rather on the general conviction throughout Europe of the folly of war, than on the state of foreign relations. He could not look with satisfaction on those relaI tions, so long as we were not on terms, not merely of amity, but of cordial co-operation with France. It was impossible not to see that the good understanding lately existing between the two countries had been very much altered for the worse during the last few months ; and though he should abstain from an opinion as to the comparative merits of the statements on either side respecting the Spanish marriage until the whole correspondence was before the house, yet Ik 1 thought the country had received a slight in the manner in which that marriage was brought about, which wculd not have been passed on it, had Lord Aberdeen been at the head of Foreign Affairs. This unfortunate coolness had been followed by another event, with which he could not help thinking it was nearly connected — the annexation of Cracow ; and though on this point too, he must reserve his judgment until the necessary papers were produced, he regarde 1 the step taken by the three powers in violation of a treaty entered into under the auspices of England as a discourtesy which could not have happened if England and France had preserved their former cordial understanding. With regard to Ireland, there could be no question that an awful visitation had fallen on that island, and he was convinced that the country would make every sacrifice for its relief. He was ' not disposed to make captious observations on the course hitherto pursued for that end, but it was admit-

ted on all'hands that great errors had been committed, that the Labour Kate Act was a blunder, and that the plan for its extension was so clogged and fettered as to become a dead letter. In his opinion, however, a great error of the Government had been a too strict adherence to the abstract doctrines of political economy, when they resolved not to compete with private speculation in the supply of food to Ireland. Those doctrines must give way to great emergencies ; and though he did not mean to assert that the Government should have undertaken to supply the whole Irish people with food, they might have dene much by establishing depots of provisions, and selling them at a fair market value, so as to keep down famine prices. With respect to the proposed measures of relief, he did not anticipate any serious opposition to the measure for increasing the tonnage applicable to the importation of corn ; but, believing as he diil, that the scarcity of corn both at home and abroad, was very much exaggerated, it ought to be a question whether the temporary suspension of the 4s. duty would answer the humane expectations of the government, and whether it would' not put money into the pockets of foreigners at the expense of the revenue. After alluding to the injustice of allotting the use of sugar in brewing and distilling while the malt tax was retained, the noble. Lord promised the Government support in their Irish measures, provided they did not yiel i to exorbitant demands; and after depicting the hampered position of the Irish landlords, who he thought had been undeservedly abused, implored the Government not to take any rash steps with regard to them, and to set to work at the social improvement of thaf country in the confident assurance that, if they honestly laboured for that end, no par(y considerations should defeat their endeavours. The Marquis of Lansdowne said, as for the errors which they were accused of commit:ng, it must be remembered that the extent of the calamity which was about to befall Ireland, could not be ascertained when the Labour Rate Act was passed ; and in conclusion, the noble Marquis vindicated the course the Government had taken. Lord Brougham thought the Parliament, ought to have been called together before ; and after some observations from several other noble lords, the address was agreed to nem.con. and their lordships adjourned till Thursday.

House op Commons, January 25. Lord John Russell. — Sir, in considering the state of Ireland, I will first proceed with laying down what is the order in which I wish to discuss the subject. In the first place, I propose to state generally the condition of those parts of the United Kingdom in which this calamity has occurred ; secondly, to make a general statement of what has occurred during the recess of Parliament ; what has been done in consequence of Acts of Parliament; how far those measures have succeeded : how far I think they have been deficient, and then to state what we will proceed to do for the general emergency. (Hear, hear.) After having made that statement, I shall ask the attention of the House while I proceed to invite them to some consideration of other measures which are calculated, in the opinion of her Majesty's Government to improve the state of Ireland, and to lay the foundation of her permanent welfare and tranquillity. I shall then take the liberty of mentioning some other subjects which, although they had been under consideration, have not received a full discussion. And we propose, in conclusion, to ask the authority of the House for the introduction of two Bills ; by one of these Bills we propose to make valid certain Acts, dope -under the authority of the "Lord Lieutenant of Irelaud, and communicated in a letter -to, ray right hon. friend who sits near me (Mr. Labouchere.) The second Bill is for the purpose ofapproving- the present estimates in regard to Ireland, in pursuance of the Treasury minute of the Ist December last (hear, hear). In proceeding to consider the present condition of that country, I tnink it will be the safest course for me to use guarded and careful information respecting the calamity which has overtaken Ireland, and for that purpose I propose to take the results of the Commission of Inquiry into the Poor-law, and to ask the House to infer ho. v great that .calamity has been — representing an almost total failure of the potato crop. In the first report of that Poor-law Inquiiy Commission, composed of gentlemen of considerable experience and authority in Irish affairs, it is represented Jhat, the great proportion of the population is continually fluctuating between the condition of paupers and independent labourers. — (Hear, hear.) Scarcely one class of the working population are permanently beyond the condition of pauperism. It is stated further that there are few small resident gentry ; that the clergy and laity exhibit much variance with each other, and that these again, are at issue with the labouring population. The state of feeling has occasioned great difficulty in gi-

■ving effect to the measures already passed to improve the condition of Ireland both in ihe construction and working of the parochial boards and other bodies organised for that purpose. In the third report of the same Commission, which, with the oi hers, go to form the general report of the Commissioners, the following facts are given :—lt: — It appears that in Great Britain agriculture consti utes one-fourth of the business of the people, whereas in Ireland it forms twothirds. In 1831 the number of persons engaged in agriculture in Great Britain was 1,651,000 ; in Ireland it was 1,131,715. At the same time while Great Britain had 34,360,000 acres in cultivation Ireland had but 14,600,000. (Hear, hear.) Ireland had therefore in proportion to its extent five agricultural labourers for Great Britain's one. At the same time, while in Ireland the wages of the labourer was from 6d. to 9d. a day, it w*s in Great Britain from 3s. to 2s. 6d. A great portion of them were not sufficiently provided at any time with the commonest necessaries of life. Their habitations were wretched hovels, in which several families slept upon straw, covered sometimes with a blanket, sometimes without even that protection. Their food was dry bread, and some of them were obliged to stint themselves to one spare meal a day, and instances had been known of persons, driven by hunger, being compelled to seek sustenance from wild roots. Their employment was scarce and uncertain, some going in search of employment to Great Britain during the harvest time, some going on a similar errand in Ireland, and many having only casual resources to fly to for the support of their children. Such, therefore, is the description given by tie most undoubted authorities ol the state of the labouring classes in Ireland. The state of Ireland may be imagined, when I say that those who had not sufficient food are those who are best off, and yet they had scarcely enough, and those who had been before on the brink of famine, have perhaps been unable to resist the calamity. Such has heen unfortunately the case during the present year, and during the visitation of a cajamity which is, perhaps, almost without a parallel, because it oi-curs in a very large population — a population of eight millions, which has gradually increased to that amount, while the famine is such has as not been known in modern times — (hear, hear.) I should say it is like a famine of the thirteenth century, so destructive and universal are its effects. He thought that the whole burthen of these public works shou/d not he borne by Ireland, and he therefore should propose that each year, as an instalment became due, if one-half was paid, the other should be remitted, keeping up the whole debt until one-half should be paid. It should be recollected that this was placing a considerable burden on the finances of the country, and which prevented him from making several propositions entailing expense, which he should otherwise have proposed. It should be remembered that these grants from the consolidated fund were grants from sums paid by the people on their soap, their tea, and their sugar, and it should always be borne in mind that these were levied upon the people of this country out of their daily toil. He also proposed to advance a sum, not exceeding £50,000, to be repaid before the end of December, for the purchase of seed. He proposed that this advance should be made to the proprietors and not to the tenants. In proposing these advances he declared that he did not nor could he expect to award off the effects of the awful visitation of Providence with which Ireland had been afflicted. It was not in the power of man to do away with the effect of such a calamity. The interference of Government to alleviate distress might be made in this way. Assistance might be granted to proprietors by loans for the improvement oi property — by public works — by enacting that relief should be given to the destitute by law, These three modes should be kept separate. In advancing to proprietors care should be taken that fiuch advances should be applied to the purposes for which they were granted. Surh security was taken by the laws passed in the last session, and by the Drainage Act more particularly. They proposed to take the term proposed in the Drainage Act, for making advances, and to extend it to other improvements, doing away with technical difficulties which obstructed the operation of that Act, allowing proprietors to borrow money at 3| per cent, to be repaid in twenty-two years, making an allowance for repayment, if such repayment should take place earlier. This would be better than combining such a plan with any plan for the relief of the poor. They also proposed to consolidate and improve the Drainage Act, to undertake by the State the reclamation of a portion of the waste lands of Ireland. They proposed to devote £1,000,000 to this purpose — that if the proprietor chose to part with it he may sell it, but that if he refused to sell or to improve, there shall be a compulsory power of taking land by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, when it* value was btloxr 2*. 6d. an I

acre. It was proposed that it shoqld be geperally reclaimed, roads be made, buildings erected, and divided into lots of from 25 to 50 acres, and either let to a tenant for a number of years or sold, but th a y do not intend to undertake by that grant, the task of cultivation. He anticipated great advantage from the location of the expelled from other properties on these holdings, and be thought it would be a nucleus for the formation of a body of small independent proprietors. He did not think that the small holdings were the cause of the misery ot Ireland, for in the county of Armagh, where the small landlords were the most numerous, the people were the most prosperous. In stating these measures, which they proposed to introduce immediately, be had not stated all the measures which they intended to introduce. With regard to measures for the relief of the destitute, he pr-posed that relief should no longer be confined to the workhouse. He proposed to bring in a bill for the more effectual relief of the destitute poor of Irehnd, i empowering the guardians to give relief either in or out of the workhouse, at their discretion, to the infirm poor, and to all those who are permanently disqualified from earning their living by labour, thus giving the guardians power to relieve the destitute at their own homes, and when the workhouse was full he proposed to give the poor-law commissioners power to enable the guardians to give relief in food only. He proposed to appoint relieving officers, who, in case of urgent distress, should have power to take persons into the house, or to give outdoor relief until the next meeting of the Loard of guardians. The next measure he should propose was that for facilitating the sale of encumbered property, and should also propose a measure, by which property let on long leases, ienewable for ever, might be convened into freeholds. He theu adverted to the fisheries, on which subject, at a subsequent period he should have something to piopose. As to emigration, he entirely set his face against such a project as deluging countries with a mass oi paupers. The best mode of promoting emic ration was by affording aid on the arrival of the emigrants at the place of their destination. If the landowners would undertake improvements in agriculture and in other ways, with the cooperation of the government, the most beneficial results must follow ; and seeing how other countries had regenerated, it would be unworthy of them to despair as to Ireland. The Irish landowners must not always look to the government and to parliament for support, but look to what was the task before them, and see whether the resources of Ireland could not be so developed as to bring matters to a happy issue. He would, in conclusion, tell the house, if they would be firm in meeting the present state of things, and help themselves, Heaven would help them, and then they would find that there had been some uses in adversity. Lord John Russell said he should move that the two bills be printed. The first bill, the Irish indemnity bill, was only to render effectual what had been done by the Lord Lieutenant. The other bill would not be ready until Thursday. The motion was agreed to, and the bills ■ were introduced.

Food Riots in Ireland. — The Kilkenny Moderator gives a long account of the riots which broke out in that city on Saturday last. The following is an abiidgment : — "On Saturday last a riot broke out in our city, which for several hours presented a most alarming appearance. It appears that after the applicants for external relief at the poorhouse had assembled to dinner in that institution, several of them circulated a statement amongst the entire crowd that Mr. M. Sullivan had, on the previous day, promised them they should be employed on that morning, or that, if they were not, upon letting him know, he would see them paid a day's wages for nothing. The labourers, therefore, determined to go to Mr. Sullivan to demand the money, and when the dinner was over they proceeded down John-street in a body of nearly 200 persons, including men, women, and children. Upon being told that Mr. Sullivan was not within, they marched to that gentL man's corn store in King-street, and demanded that he should make his appearance, or that their wages should be handed out to them. Subinspector Winslow and constable Baird here remonstrated with the mob, and endeavoured to prevail on them to disperse ; but finding their entreaties had no effect, and dreading that violence would be resorted to, they hastened away to give notice of the state of affairs to the authorities. The magistrates and city poor-law guardians were at this time, two o'clock, sitting in council in the Tholsel, as to the best means of procuring provisions for the poor house, the stock of meal and the funds union being quite exhausted. The mayor, with Mr. Joseph Green, R. JML, Mr. Peter Blake, county inspector, Mr. Winslow, and as

many of the local police force as could be immediately brought together, proceeded without delay to King-street, and arrived just as the mob had attacked Mr. Sullivan's store, and were carrying off two sacks of flour and a sack of oatmeal. This property was with great difficulty rescued, and after some time the mob began to disperse. But in a short time the news arrived that the rioters had again assembled at the stores of Mr. T. Purcell, in the main street of Irishtown. Mr. Purcell with his workmen, resisted the attempt of the mob to effect an entrance upon his premises, and saved his flour and meal from being carried off; but, in revenge, the mob broke fifty-four panes of glass in the house. Finding that the rioters were determined on mischief, Mr. Green rode to the barracks to procure assistance ; and, in the mean time, it having been ascertained that the mob had broken up into small parties, and were plundering the hucksters' shops in the suburbs of the town, the police were divided into small patroles and sent in different directions to stop, those proceedings ; but before' any assistance could arrive Mulhall's, in Vica -street ; Holden's, at Grepn's-bridge ; Dunphy's, in John-street ; dear's, in Rose Inn-street, and several other petty provision shops were attacked and plundered, chiefly by gangs of young ruffians under eighteen years of age. Just as the military, consisting of two companies, and commanded by Colonel Stretton in person, had marched out, intelligence was received that a section of the mob had again assembled in High street, and were taking bread from Mr. Michael Magrath's shop. It however appeared that Mr. Magrath gave them a quantity of bread upon it being demanded ; but the insurgents seemed bent upon getting more, and appeared to be prepanng for demonstrations upon the bread shops of Messrs. Cloyne and Fogarty. The magistrates, military, and police, however, arrived on the ground in time to prevent further plunder, but the mob could scarcely be induced to disperse, and continued cheering and yelling lor a considerable time in the street. At four o'clock the military were lodged in the Assembly-rooms, Tholsel, and the police in the guardroom below, whilst mounted policemen patrolled the town to ascertain whether all was quiet. At five o'clock an attempt was made to break into Mr. Dunphy's bread shop, before the very face of the police in the Tholsel. The attack was prevented, and the mob was dispersing, when Mr. Dunphy volunteered to give bread to the value of £1 to those in want. This again collected an immense mob, which, far from being satisfied with the supply of food offered, continued to demand more. A report was then raised that a quantity of bread had been conveyed for safety to the guardroom in the Tholsel, and they immediaiely rushed in, yelling frightfully, and calling for bread or blood. Most of the borough magistrates were at that time in the mayor's office, and upon their interference the mob was induced to disperse. And it is here worthy of remark, that whilst the larger portion of the rioters certainly presented all the appearance of want and privation, the ringleaders were chiefly persons who could not have been urged by hunger or suffering, and most of them were intoxicated. Two of these persons were arrested. We trust the leniency with which they were treated may not have a bad effect hereafter. The riots were hoped by the magistrate to be over for the night, but they were disapponted. In about half an hour after the mob had been dispersed at the Tholsel, the noise of another tumult reached that place, and it appeared that a mob were attacking Mr. Buggy's bread shop in High-street. The bakeis succeeded in protecting their master's property by forcing out the assailants and shutting the doors, but the windows would have been broken with stones had not the police, horse and foot, arriving from the Tholsel, charged the mob and swept them out of the street. The missiles intended for the windows were, however, turned on the constabulary, and several oi them were struck with stones, but fortunately none severely hurt. This signal defeat of the rioters seemed to damp their spirits, for they made no further attempts at violence during the night.