PARLIAMENTARY INTELLIGENCE House of Lords, Jan. 22, 1846.

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume II, Issue 96, 1 July 1846, Page 3

PARLIAMENTARY INTELLIGENCE House of Lords, Jan. 22, 1846.

The Queen went in state to the House of Lords, and qpened Parliament with the following speech from the throne : — "My Lords and Gentlemen— lt gives me great satisfaction again to meet yi v in Parliament, and -to have an opportunity of recurring to your assistance and advice. " I continue to receive from my allies and from other Poreign powers the strongest assu-

i ranees of their desire to cultivate the most friendly relations with this country. " I rejoice that, in concert with the Em- ; peror of Russia, and through the success of our joint mediation, I have been enabled to adjust the differences which had long prevailed between the Ottoman Porte and the King of Persia, an.l had seriously endangered the tranquillity of the East. " For several years a desolating and sanguinary warfare has afflicted the States of the Rio de la Plata. The commerce of all nations has been interrupted, and acts of barbarity have been committed unknown to the practice of a civilized people In conjunction with the King of the French I am endeavouring to effect the pacification of these States. " The convention concluded with Trance in, the course of the last year for the more effectual supression of the slave trade, is about to be carried into immediate execution by the active co-operation of the two powers on the coast of Africa. " It is my desire that our present union, and the good undei standing which so happily exists between us, may always be employed to promote the interests of humanity and to secure the peace of the world. " I regret that the conflicting claims of. Great Britain and the United States, in respect of the territory on the north-western coast of America, although they have been made the subject of repeated negotiations, still remain unsettled. " You may be assured that no effort consistent with national honour shall be wanting on my part to bring the question to an early and peaceful termination. " Gentlemen of the House of Commons — The estimates for the year will be laid before you at an early period. " Although 1 am deeply sensible of the importance of enforcing economy in all branches of the expenditure, yet I have been compelled by a due regard to the exigencies of the public service, and to the state of our naval and military establishments, to propose some increase in the estimates which provides for their efficiency. My Lords and Gentlemen — I have observed with deep regret the very frequent instances in which the crime of deliberate assassination has been of late committed in Ireland. " It will be your duty to consider whether any measures can be devised, calculated to give increased protection to li r e and to bring to justice the perpetrators of so dreadful a ciime. " I have to lament that in consequence of the failure of the potato crop in several parts .of the United Kingdom, there will be a deficient supply of an article of food which forms the chiei' subsistence of great numbers of my people. " The disease by which the plant has been affected has prevailed to the greatest extent in Ireland. " I have adopted all such precautions as it was in my power to adopt for the purpose of alleviating the sufferings which may be caused by- this calamity ; and I shall confidently rely on your co-operation in devising such other means for effecting the same benevolent purpose as may require the sanction of the Legislature. " I have had great satisfaction in giving my assent to the measures which you have presented to me from time to time calculated to extend commerce, and to stimulate domestic skill and industry, by the rppeal of prohibitory and the relaxation of protective duties. " The prosperous state of the revenue, the increased demand for labour, and the general improvement which has taken place in the internal condition of the country, are strong testimonies in favour of the course you have pursued. " I recommend you to take into your early consideration, whether the principles on which you have acted may not with advantage be yet more extensively applied, and whether it may not be in your power, after a careful review of the existing duties upon many articles, the produce or manufacture of other countries, to make such further reductions and remissions as may tend to insure the continuance of the great benefits to which I have adverted^ and j by enlarging our commercial intercourse to strengthen the bonds of amity with Foreign Powers. ' | " Any measures which you may adopt for effecting these great objects will, I am convinced, be accompanied by such precautions as shall prevent permanent loss to the revenue, or injurious results to any of the great interests of the country. " I have full reliance on your just and dispassionate consideration of matters so deeply affecting the public welfare. "It is my earnest prayer that, with the blessing of Divine Providence on your counsels, you may be enabled to promote friendly feelings between different classes of my subjects, to provide additional security for the continuance of peace, and to maintain contentment and happiness at home, by increas-

ing the comforts and bettering' the condition of the greal body of my people." The Address was moved by Lord Home and seconded by Lord de Ros, and the question that the address be adopted was then put by the Lord Chancellor and declared to be carried in the affirmative. A discussion ensued, in which the Dukes of Richmond and Wellington and Lord Stanley took part, the Duke of Richmond declaring he would resist by every means in his power — factious if necessary — any diminution in the amount of agricultural protection, and Lord Stanley explaining the reasons of his retiring from the Ministry. Lords Hardwick and Malmsbury, the Marquis of Salisbury, and the Duke of Beaufort, were opposed to any change in thes existing corn laws : the Marquis of Lansdowne, and Lords Radnor and Brougham, declared themselves in favour of a change. Adjourned to nezt day. House of Commons. The House of Commons, after receiving various notices of motions for future days, commenced the business of the session at halfpast four o'clock, by listening to the speech from the Throne, which was read, as usual, by the Speaker. The address upon the speech was moved by Lord F. Egerton, who, in an eloquent speech observed that the time was now ararrived when the house ought to avail itself of the earliest opportunity to consider the whole state of our laws regarding manufactures, with a view of ultimatelydepartingfrom the principles of restriction and prohibition for the sake of protec'ing the productions of our home manufacture. In fo;mer years he had opposed the imposition of a fixed duty as a permanent impost upon foreign corn ; for he thought that, if a duty were to be imposed, a sliding scale was better than a fixed duty. He had, however, arrived at the conclusion that restriction as a permanent system ought not to be applisd to any foreign commodity. He was convinced that ultimately no class would reap more benefit from these changes than that higher class of manufacturers, who were called the landholders of England. Mr. Beckett Denison seconded the address. Sir R. Peel hoped that, though his course might be deemed unusual in rising at so early a period of the debate, he should be considered as acting in conformity with the practice of the house in explaining at once the grounds which bad led him, and those with whom he had acted, first to tender their resignation of their offices to her Majesty and then to re-ap-pear in the house as Ministers of the Crown. The immediate cause of their resignation was that great and mysterious calamity which had befallen Europe — the failure of the potatoe crop. But it would be unfair to the house if he were to say that he attached exclusive importance to that particular cause. It had gained, however, additional weight by its forcing an immediate decision upon the laws which governed the importation of grain. He would not deny that his opinions on the subject of protection had undergone great change. He did not feel himsef humiliated by making that confession; on the contrary, he asserted and claimed or himself the privilege of yielding to the force of reason and argument, and of acting upon his enlarged experience and upon his more matured conviction. He must confess that a change in his opinions ft ad been forced upon-him by the experience of the last three years. During that period be had watched day by day the effect of the relaxation of duties on all the* social interests of the country ; and the consequence was that he thought that his former arguments were no longer tenable. He did not think that protection of native industry was in itself right and advantageous, nor did he believe that it was impossible for this country to compete with foreigners because it laboured under a heavy debt and severe taxation. During the last three years prices had been low, and yet at no time had ' vva^es been higher. During the three previous years prices had been high, and the lowness of wages had produced universal distress among the labouring population. He next proved from statistical returns that theresult upon trade of removing protective duties had been a great increase in the foreign exports of the country, and that the result upon the revenue, though in the last four years a reduction had been made in the Customs duties to the amount of £4,000,000 and upwards, and in the Excise duties to the amount of £1,000,000, had been equally satisfactory. He then adverted to considerations which he deemed of more importance than those of either trade or revenue, namely, to considerations of morality ; and showed that in 1 842, when high prices and high duties-were in ex*-~ istence, there had been an alarming increase of crime, but that in 1843 things had taken a favourable turn, and that in 1844 and 1845 the decrease of commitments bad been very, large ; and he inferred from the returns, which be quoted, that low prices and comparative abundance contributed greatly to the promo.

lion of morality. He showed that these 'advantages had not been purchased by any de- - triment to the agricultural interest. Protection to that interest had been diminished ; [ andjetithad not suffered any damage in consequence of that diminution. He proved tins position by reference to the diminution which had taken place in the duties paid upon foreign flax, foreign wool, foreign cattle, pigs, lard, &c., and to the prices which every one of those commodities was now fetching in the markets of Great Britain. He contended that he was justified in proceeding with the farther removal of projecting duties by the gratifying results which had been produced by the removal of those which he had already repealed. It was right that he should state that, notwithstanding the conviction which was thus forced upon his mind, he had been of opinion that the charge of altering the Corn Laws ought not to devolve upon him as Minister of the Crown. He felt that with that conviction, which he could not control, he could no longer meet the annual motion of honourable members opposite with a direct negative, and that therefore he <wuld nolonger continue the contest on the subject with any advantage to those who had hitherto honoured him with their confidence. During the course of last autumn a great calamity had visited the United Kingdom. There was great danger of a scarcity of that article which formed a considerable supply of 'the food of this country. It was the duty of Government to meet that danger ; and the house should now have an opportunity of judging whether, with the information of which the Government was in possession, it was possible for them to maintain in their present integrity the existing Corn Laws. His opinion was, that it was quite impossible , for them to do so. He then described the circumstances which induced him early in November to think that it was necessary to meet the impending evil by a suspension of the duties on the importation of foreign produce ; and read consecutively, the information which Government had received from various parts of the United Kingdom, and also from abroad, and which he considered as justifying him in the conclusions to which he had come, first, early in November, and afterwards early in December. He next read the infornuation which he had received from England, Scotland, and Ireland, relative to the failure of the potato crop ; and hoped that those who had precipitately condemned the Government would now make some allowance for its difficult position. The right honourable baronet then entered into a lengthened statement relative to the resignation 0/ the Ministry and their reinstatement in office, and proceeded to state that he bad given notice that evening that on an early day next week it was his intention to submit to the house a measure of the greatest importance relative to our commercial policy. He would not anticipate the discussion on it that evening, as he was anxious to disconnect that which was a great national question from any party or personal considerations. After expressing a hope that he had satisfied the house that his motives were honest, even though his conclusions might be erroneous, he proceeded to defend himself against the charge that he had been guilty of treason to the agricultural interest. He had seen it stated over and over again, that the power which had elevated could also displace him, and over and over again he had been menaced with that penalty. Now, he valued not power for its patronage. Personal objects he had none. He had served four Sovereigns, and to each of them he had stated that he required no other reward but the assurance that he had served them as a faithful and a loyal subject. Power for personal objects he wanted not — to be relieved from it with perfect honour, so far from being a penalty, would be to him the greatest of boons. He did not wish to be the Prime Minister of England ; but, whilst he was so, he would hold office by no servile tenure. He would bold it by no other obligation than that of serving the public interests. He concluded his-speech with an eloquent defence of his own Conservative policy both at home and abroad, contending that he had put ah end to the murmurs of disaffection, and done his utmost to perform no easy task, namely, that of reconciling the action of an ancient monarchy and a proud aristocracy with that of a reformed House of Commons. Lord J. Russel next rose to give an explanation of his conduct during the recent interregnum in the Ministry — an explanation which he would have postponed to a future day had not Sir R. Peel informed him that it would be for his convenience if he made' it at an early period of- the session. He then stated the circumstances under which he had been called upon, by her Majesty to form an Administration qn the Bth of last December. On the 10th he saw her Majesty on- that sub r ject. He should have declined under ordinary,circumstances, to accept office himself,, as his party were in. a minority of 90 or 100 in the House of. Commons, and as that fact

alone must have led before long to a dissolution of Parliament. When he mentioned to her Majesty that such was his feeling, she placed in his hand a document signed by ~R. Peel, in which he promised to give every facility in his power to his successor whoever that person might be, for the settlement of the Corn Laws. He then told her Majesty that the case was altered, and that he would consult with his former colleagues on the subject. He did so, and they thought that the new Government ought to know what were the intentions of the late Ministry on the subject; but Sir R. Peel had given him (Lord J. Russell) to understand that he did not think it for the benefit of the public service that he should communicate to his successor the details of his intended measure. He {Lord J. Russell) had then drawn up an outline of his own measure, and had wished to communicate it to Sir R. Peel, in order that he might, if possible, obtain his consent to it along with that of Sir Robert's late colleagues. Sir R. Peel, however, had thought it not reasonable that a person not in the service of the Crown should be consulted on tie details of a measure proposed by the Ministers of the Crown. The noble lord then stated at great length the various steps which he afterwards took to form a government on t't-e principle of the immediate repeal of the <;orn laws, and his subsequent failure, and concluded by expressing his disappointment that Sir R. Peel had not brought forward a comprehensive plan for the pacification of Ireland, and by declaring his intention, whether in or out of office, to give his hearty assent to all measures for the benefit of his country. He hoped that the freedom of industry and commerce might date from the commencement of the present session. Mr. Disraeli expressed his intention of adhering to the principles of protection which had sent him to that house, and which would have compelled him to resign his seat if he had conscientiously relinquished them. He then animadverted upon the speech of Sir R. Peel that evening, which he denounced as a glorious example of. egotistical ihetoric, and censured him in the severest terms for the shameful manner in which he had turued round upon his former parly. He concluded a bitter invective against Sir R. Peel, who he said had been deserted by Lord Stanley because he had deserted all the principles by which the Ministry had obtained office, by declaring that he was not the Minister who ought to abrogate the Corn Laws. He hoped that, whatever might be the opinion of the house as to free trade, it would resist to the utmost the free politics of such statesmen as Sir R. Peel. After a few words from Mr. Miles and Col.. Sibthorp the address was agreed to without a dissentient voice. The House then adjourned.