HOUSE OF COMMONS. April 4. THE OREGON TERRITORY.

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume I, Issue 49, 13 September 1845, Page 4

HOUSE OF COMMONS. April 4. THE OREGON TERRITORY.

Lord J. Russell called the attention of the House to that part of the Message of the Pre-

sident of the United States, which related to the territory of Oregon. It was not his intention, he said, to enter at all into the question of the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government, or even of their policy on this very subject of the Oregon ; neither was it his wish by any observations which he might then make to embarrass their proceedings. But the inaugural address of President Polk had taken this question out of the ordinary course of diplomatic arrangement, and required some notice on the part of tt c members of that house. (Hear, hear, hear.) That distinguished functionary had adopted a course entirely new, which," if it were not met with something unusual on their parts, would let questions of great national importance be decided hereafter by popular addresses from the head of the Government, and by the popular action resulting therefore. (Hear.) The President in his message had alluded to the annexation of Texas to the United States, an allusion which he only noticed for the purpose of showing that the present policy of the Executive Government of the United States tended to territorial aggrandizement. In his next sentence, the President declared his-intention to assert and maintain, by all constitutional means, the right of the United States to that portion of their territory which was situate beyond the Rocky Mountains. " Our title," said he, " to the country of Oregon, is clear and unquestionable, and already are our people preparing to perfect that title by occupying it with their wives and children." In consequence of this declaration, he (Lord J. Russell) felt compelled to call the attention of the House and the country to this question, in order that they might see how far the President wa» justified in saying that their title to the country of the Oregon was clear and unquestionable, and in declaring bis intention to take it into his possession without any regard to those treaties, which were generally the bonds of peace between independent nations. (Hear.) There were three modes by which a title might be acquired to a country like the Oregon : — the firsc was by ancient i discovery ; the second by treaty ; and the ', third by discovery, ancient or modern, followed by occupation and settlement. The noble Lord then entered into a statement a considerable length, for the purpose of showing that if the title to the Oregon rested on ancient discovery, England could put in a claim far superior to that of the United States ; that if it rested on treaty, we had a claim that was undeniable, whilst that of the United States had no ground whatever to stand on ; and that if it rested on modern discovery, the discovery of the Columbia, n.ade, carried on, and authorised by regular officers of the British Government, and the subsequent settlement of the territory surrounding it by British subjects, gave us a title which the American Government could not displace. Captain Vancouvre had discovered the river Columbia ; his Lieutenant had sailed 90 miles up its stream, and British subjects from Canada had erected 18 forts on its banks, and had long been carrying on a favourable trade there. His Lordship then gave a history of the negotiations betweeu Great Britain and the United States respecting this country, and traced them from their commencement to the period when the existing convention was formed in 1827, between Mr. Rush on the one side, and Mr. Huskisson on the other. A new circumstance had now risen up. The President of the United States had made a peremptory claim to all this territory, and had | called upon the citizens of the United States to go forth with their wives and children to take possession of it. Now, Columbia was becoming of more importance each succeeding year. (Hear.) The Government ought therefore to insist on a speedy solution of this question ; for there was danger lest the citizens of the United States should disturb British subjects in the enjoyment of their property on the Oregon, and should produce a I collision between the two Governments. (Hear.) He was not prepared to sdy that Great Britain should abate any of her just pretensions, nor where we should draw the line between the Americans and ourselves. (Cheers.) He thought, however, that we could not accede to a proposal less than that made by Mr. Canning in 1827, with any re- j gard to our own interests. He had heard it j said that the value of this territory was a matter of indfference to us ; but it was not a matter of indifference to us whether we should yield any portion of our territory to what he must be permitted to call a blustering announcement. (Loud cheefrs.) It was not a matter of indifference to us\ that the means of communication between Columbia on the one hand, and our possessions in India and China on the other, should be surrendered to a foreign power. (Cheers.) It was not a matter of indifference to us, that the tone and character of England should be lowered ra any transaction which we carried on with the United States. (Continued cheers.) He should have abstained from entering into this question if it had been left as a diplomatic

transaction between the Eatl of Aberdeen and j Mr. Buchannan, as the agents of the British j and American Governments ; but as it had | been taken out of their hands, he could do what the Minister of the Crown was precluded by his position from doing, — he could state to the people of England what were their rights. (Loud cheers.) Having made that statement, he should leave the whole matter in the hands of the Government, and he had no doubt that they would consult the interests of the country and the honour of the Crown. (Cheers.) Sir R. Feel could not be surprised, and could not feel regret that the noble Lord had taken the course which he had pursued. He was of opinion, that whilst these matters were pending in negotiations between the two Governments, it was politic to abstain from exercising the right of discussion on subjects calculated to excite popular feeling, unless there were cogent reasons to the contrary. If the noble Lord had thought it right to depart from that course on this occasion, %c ought not to be held responsible for the consequences ; for it appeared that this question had been withdrawn from the cognizance of' those to whom it had been entrusted, and that a popular appeal had been made to the passions of the people in the United States by those who ought to have discountenanced such an appeal. (Cheers.) The noble Lord had said, that a Minister of the Crown spoke on such a question as the present under a responsibility to which he (Lord J. Russell) was not liable. That was undoubtedly true, and he should therefore abstain irom following the noble Lord through his statement, as he could not to do so without implying opinions from J the expression of which he ought to abstain. He felt, however, that it was open to him to inform the house of the general state of our \ negociations with the United States on this question. In the year 1818 the northern j boundary of the possessions of the United j States and of Great Britain, westward of the Rocky Mountains, was defined. No agreement was made as lo the country beyond the Rocky Mountains ; but a convention signed between the two Governments in 1818, "which was to continue for ten years, gave a right of joint occupation to the subjects of each country. In 1824, and again in 1826, Mr. Canning made several attempts to come to an amicable adjustment of our respective claims with the American Government. Those attempts entirely failed. At the end of ten years the convention expired. A new convention was framed in 1827, which continued in force for ten years, the convention of 1818, with this proviso, that the convention of 1827 should not necessarily determine by the lapse of time, but should extend beyond the term of ten years, and should terminate after a year's notice from either party, when the rights of both should revive. This was the convention which now affected the territory of the Oregon. Mr. Pakenham, our Minister, had been directed in 1842 to form an amicable arrangement of the claims of the two countries on equitable terms. A message of President Tyler, dated the 3rd of December 1843, showed that he had expressed an equal desire to come to an amicable arrangement. (Hear.) Nay more, on the 19th of February 1845, about a fortnight before this inaugural address was delivered by President Polk, President Tyler, in reply to an address from the Senate of the United States, asking for information relative to the negotiations pending on this question, with England, observed — " I have only to say, that as the negotiations are still pending, this information cannot be given. Considerable progress has been made in the negotiations, which have been carried on in au amicable spirit between the two countries, and I hope that it will be speedily bi ought to an amicable termination. (Hear, hear, hear.) He (Sir Robert Peel) could confirm the language of President Tyler respecting the amicable spirit in which the negociations had been carried on ; but he could not confirm his statement as to the progress of the negociations, , and to his hopes of an amicable termination. On the sth March, 1845, Mr. Polk made his inaugural address as President. Since that time we had received no communication from our Minister, who had only been able to communicate the Message, but had not had time to make any comment on it. The Government of President Polk had been very recently appointed, and no diplomatic communication, as far as he was informed, had taken place with it. He thought it highly probable that Mr. Pakenham would have continued with the present Government the negociations which he had commenced with the last ; but he had no information on the subject. He trusted that the negociations would be renewed. (Hear.) At no very distant period they would know the result of them. Sir (continued the Right Hon. Baronet) I consider it my duty, notwithstanding the language of the President of the United States, not to despair of a favourable result. (Chqers.) But in case there should be an unfavourable issue — if the proposal we make should be rejected, and no counter proposal likely to lead to an amicable adjustment should

be made by the United States,— shoaM tnis be the issue of the negociations, then iHfir Majesty's Government will not obj&Sfelay on 4he table of the House all the comHHHfcons that havejtaken place on the subject; fB^WBk I must, however, express my deep regret, tMSt^ while this negociation is pending, the chief executive officer of the United States, in * public address, should, contrary to all usage, have referred to any other contingency than the friendly and satisfactory termination of these differences. (Cneers.) Such a reference is not likely to lead to that issue which every friend to the continuance of amicable relations between the two countries must desire, namely t the equitable adjustment of the differences that have arisen. (Hear.) I deeply regret, not only the reference itself, but the tone and temper in which that reference is made ; — (Cheers) — and I feel it my imperative duty, on the part of her Majesty's Government, to state, in language the most temperate, but most decided, that we consider we have rights in respect of the territory of Oregon which are clear and unquestionable ; that we trust still to effect an amicable adjustment — but having exhausted every effort to effect that arrangement,,if our lights are invaded, we are resolved and prepared to maintain them. (A tremendous burst of cheers from all parts of the House followed this annun iation.)

The news from America states that the Bill for the annexaton of Texas had passed both houses of Congress, and received the signature ol President Tyler on the very eve of his retirement from office. The Oregon Occupation Bill has peen rejected by a majority oF two, on •the understanding that matters are in a fair way for a speedy settlement with Great Britain. The new President, Mr. Polk, was installed inco office, and delivered the usual message on the 4th March. The Texas Annexation Bill passed the Senate on the 27th Februaiy, and the House of Representatives on the following day, and on the Ist March it was returned with (the signature of the President. Texas is therefore virtually one ofcthe component States of the Union, and all parties are anxiously awaiting the reception of this intelligence by the Mexican and Texan governments. In the mean time, the Mexican minister has protested against the measure, and a general impression prevails that Mexico will view it as an act of hostility, and will declare war. The inaugural message of the new President is remarkable tor a moderation and dignity of tone, but rarely observed in the or cial documents of his predecessor. It makes no mention of England, or of any other European power, but declares authoritatively in favour of the annexation of Texas, the immediate occupation of the Oregon, and every other territory that can be acquired by what it calls " constitutional means." It advocates a revenue tariff, with protection only as a contingent ; condemns a national bank, a national debt, and repudiation, and approves of the veto power of the President, it used in moderation. On 'he whole, the views of Mr Polk appear to have given satisfaction to all parties in the States, and the commencement of bis career gives promise of a stirring and energetic presidency, involving many matters which seriously affect the interests of Britain, and are not unlikely to lead to results of the highest importance. The territories of Florida and lowa, have been formally admitted as States into the Union, returning senators to Congress. This raises the liumber of States to twenty eight, exclusive of Texas We regret to state that two of the American packets from Liverpool to New York, the England and the United States, are missing,, and fears are entertained that they were lost in the late gales. ,'

An Income Tax. — We- stated yesterday \ve should look with some-interest for Sir Eardly Wilraot's finance minute : but we have since learned what its principal feature will be, his Excellency having informed the members of the Legislative Council that he intends to propose an income tax. There surely must be an intention to drive the free people out of the colony, and leave Van Diemen's Land to those who my Lord Stanley considers have the best claim to it — the convicts. — Sydney Morning Herald.

Sydney Markets, 23d August, 1846. — . Wheat, ss. 4d. to ss. Bd. per bushel ; fine Flour, £14 per ton; Manilla Ri«e, £18 to £20 per ton ; Patna Rice, £35 per ton j Porto Rico Sugar, £27 per ton ; Manilla sugar, £22 10s. per ton ; Mauritius sugar, £23 to £24 'per ton ; Rafined-sugar, 4d. per lb. ; Congou Teas, £5 ss. to £5 10s. per chest ; Hyson skin, £4 4s. to £4 10s. per chest ; Coffee, sd. to 6jd. perlb. ; Molasses, £12 to £13 per ton ; Liverpool soap, £13 to £18 per ton ; Colonial soap, £22 per tou ; Liverpool salt-, £5 1 5s. to £6 per ton ; Maize, 2s. 6d. per bushel; Mould candles, 4d. per lb.

O ils. — Spe» ra, £60 to £63 per tun ; Black, £17 to £18 per tun ; Linseed, 4s. to ss. per gallon.