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THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY.

The London correspondent of the " Argus'" supplies the following sketch : The defeat of the Commune has not disheartened or weakened the International Society. It is renewing its efforts at combination; branches have been established in many of our northern towns; Ireland is under dilligent cultivation ; an English Council, separate from the General Council, is about to be established. Its declared object is" the complete emancipation of the working class," and to that end the " nationalisation" of the land, and the creation of a vast co-operative system in the place of labor for wages. A meeting of delegates assembled in London, privately, towards the end of September, under the presidence of Her Karl Marx—- " three German deputies, two Swiss, five Belgians, seven Frenchmen, four English men, one Spaniard, one Irishman, one Hungarian, one Italian, and one Russian," —tweuty-six members in all. Their discussions extended over nine days, and related chiefly to the practical details of re-organisation. There was strong expression of opinion as to the mischief done by secret political socie-

ties—Mazzina, in particular, was concondemned, and some delegates were opposed to any direct political action, though finally it was resolved to use political agitation as one weapon of offence. We are told that " special attention" was paid to Russia. The Russian deputy stated that there was no country so well prepared for the reception of communistic doctrines, the students, from their poverty, being strongly inclined to join with the Proletariat, but there was danger of their engaging in useless conspiracies which only ended in a costly sacrifice of life and liberty. This history of the International Society, as now fully known, shows that its central idea has taken too firm hold to be easily shaken off. The movement must be honestly met, but cannot be violently suppressed. The combination of the working classes of all countries suggests a prospect which must largely modify the policy of Europe. It has been in some few minds the cherished dream of many years. As early as 1839 some attempt was made by a number of German workmen, expelled from Paris, who took refuge in London. In 1847, a fresh step was taken, and a manifesto adopted ] at a conference, in which the object of the Communists was said to be the defence of " the common interests, independent of nationality,' 1 and their immediate aim " the overthrow of the rule of the capitalists by the acquisition of political power." Karl Marx, who presided at the recent meeting, was then one of the moving spirits, and in concert with Frederick Engels, drew up this manifesto. The Trades Union struggles brought gradually to the front another class of men, less speculative, but resolute in the pursuit of cer-' tain practical ends, who gradually learnt their power, and aspired to take an active interest in the politics of other nations. The Exhibition of 1862 brought over many French workmen, and led to an interchange of ideas on social questions. When the Polish insurrections broke out, these Frenchmen [bethought them of their London friends, and in their enthusiasm for Poland sent a deputation across the Channel to ask their aid. The Polish movement then failed, but the opportunity thus afforded was not lost. Before the deputation left London, an international alliance was formed. Mr G. Odger, "shoemaker," then became a conspicuous man. He drew up, by request, an address to the workmen of France, asking for a " fraternity of peoples." Another deputation came over, and a public meeting was held, at which the same cry was reiterated with greater emphasis. The society was then, in 18154, formally constituted; committees were formed ; officers ap. pointed. The inaugural address reaffirmed the principles already agreed upon, dwelt largely on the sufferings and degradation of the laboring classes, and on the advantage which numbers gave them in their struggle. There is a basis of solid fact and reason in the arguments employed which the hardestheaded, most Radical-hating economist cannot deny. Some passages present a high ideal in temperate language. The founders " declare that this International Association, and all societies and individuals adhering to it, will acknowledge truth, justice, and morality as a basis of their conduct towards each other and towards all men, without regard to color, creed, or nationality. They hold it the duty of a man to claim the rights of a man and a citizen, not only for himself but for every man who does his duty. No rights without duties, no duties without rights." Then followed the provisional rules. But the trade societies did not respond with any enthusiasm ; the work of propagandism had to be patiently prosecuted; the Governments were on the alert, and adhesions were few and far between. A public congress was held at Geneva in 1860, and from that time greater progress was made. The organisation was never formidable, and although its numbers have now vastly increased, its power was not suspected till the insurrection in Paris excited alarm. The commune of that ill-fated city was composed of too many elements to be regarded as one of the International Association, and it was too provincial in its aims, but the cry then raised amid blood and flame showed to whatextremes its members could be carried.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZMAIL18720210.2.9

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

New Zealand Mail, Issue 55, 10 February 1872, Page 3

Word count
Tapeke kupu
874

THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY. New Zealand Mail, Issue 55, 10 February 1872, Page 3

THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY. New Zealand Mail, Issue 55, 10 February 1872, Page 3

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