OTAGO PROVINCIAL COUNCIL.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 26, 22 July 1871, Page 7

OTAGO PROVINCIAL COUNCIL.

[lndependent, July 21.]

No man who has the interest of the colony at heart can read the recent proceedings of the Provincial Council of Otago without disgust, indignation, and alarm. That the best executive that province has ever had, should,, without ever getting a trial, be ousted on a question on which they never had time to indicate their views, and the solution of which is beyond the power alike of Provincial "ins" and "outs," is one of the greatest outrages perpetrated in the name of Representative Government to be found recorded in the parliamentary annals of any English-speaking community. Nor are our disgust and indignation abated when we consider the men who, by a nefarious combination, have been put in their places. The head of this new Executive is Mr Donald Reid, and the Treasurer, Mr Bradshaw. The former is known throughout the colony for his violent opposition to any settlement of the land question by the Supreme Legislature—the latter, for his disgraceful failure four years ago to supersede provincial authority in four-fifths of the province. Strange to say, both are now likely to be successful in their several specialities, but in a way they little dreamt of! Mr Reid is going emphatically to settle the land question for ever, by selling the land in large blocks to squatters, and giving them a no less indefeasible title than a Crown grant, beyond the power of the Assembly to touch. Mr Bradshaw, by joining a ministry whose cardinal principle is a defying of the authority of the Assembly, by refusing to carry their laws into effect, and by taking questionable means to pay off an over-draft contracted in positive defiance of the special law they have enacted for the guidance of Provincial Councils, has established the best conceivable argument, for setting aside the provincial authority over not merely four-fifths, but five-fifths of the province. Our readers may well demand proof for these allegations. As to Mr Reid, we need not remind them of the violent storm he raised against the land administration of the Vogel Executive by presenting a petition to the General Assembly. In those days he was a convenient tool of the Stafford ministry, and an earnest advocate of " central legislation." He could scarcely express himself, by the way, in public without this phrase of " central legislation." " Central legislation" was printed in blazing capitals on the electioneering cards of his friends and supporters. " Central legislation" glared at you in hideous colors at every comer of the streets leading to their committee rooms, and for the sake of this charming idea he was content to become a political pariah during a whole session of the

Provincial Council. The petition which he presented led to a Commission, the report of which, after being considered by the Waste Lands Committee, led to "central legislation" on the question. Was he satisfied then? No, indeed. Before a copy of the new law had been received in Dunedin, and before he had made himself acquainted with its provisions, he rushed frantically out from the Provincial Treasury to' raise the standard of rebellion 'on the Taieri plain, attended by his faithful henchman. Mr Shepherd, smiling through his tears! The inflammatory addresses delivered by these worthies were posted up in the bars of all the hotels and in all the blacksmiths' shops in the district so that the whole rural population might drink in treason with their "• colonial," and read themselves into a political white heat while waiting for their ploughshares. If we recall the disgraceful compromise which he afterwards made with one of his'colleagues, by which, for the sake of keeping his place and pav, he pledged himself to give up all onposition to the act, and to seek its amendment in a few unimportant particulars; it is only to point out that this pure and disinterested patriot dreaded one thing far more than the ruin of the province from this "unrighteous and diabolical act," and that he was ready to do a "most grievous injustice to the whole province" to retain the salary paid by it to Mr Donald Reid! These amendments—proposed by Mr Brown, of immortal memory, whom the electors of Otago have returned again to the Assembly a living proof of their shame and infatuation —were forwarded by Mr Reid to the Superintendent in Wellington, with an official request to get them embodied in an act of Parliament, and the same post brought to Mr Brown letters of encouragement to persevere in his efforts to prevent them passing into law ! The bill, amended according to the resolutions carried by Mr Reid, became law ; and still' Mr Reid refused to pay any attention to this piece of (i central legislation." In defiance of this law, land was still shut up from settlement, and when the present session of the Provincial Council began, he moved, before his successors had a chance of laying their views on the land question before the Council, a resolution to the effect that no ministry who would not pledge themselves to do what they had no power to do (to repeal the very act he had been mainly instrumental in passing) was worthy of the confidence of the Council or the country. But this is not all. His revenue from legal sources being thus dried up, he actually contracted an overdraft more than £-20,000 above the limitallowed bylaw! The bank authorities,justly apprehensive,are pushing for their money, being fully aware that they have no locus standi in a court of law—that the revenues of the province or the colony cannot be made chargeable with it, and that the Executive who illegally contracted it, may be in their persons, but are certainly not in their estates, " worth powder and shot !" What then does this "small settler's friend" do ? He sends down the following Superintendental message on the 13th instant:—

"The Superintendent solicits the attention of the Provincial Council to the necessity of making provision for meeting the past deficiency in the revenue as compared with the expenditure. With this view, he would suggest an expression of opinion on the part of the Council, to the effect that the Executive Government should, if necessary, dis pose of, say, 50,000 acres of land, in one or more blocks." And he moves the following resolution in reply:—"That this Council is of opinion that it is desirable to provide revenue for the purposes indicated, and with this view resolve to authorise the Government to dispose of 50,000 acres of land in one or more blocks, and would recommend that before the sale of any land under the authority of this resolution, full and careful enquiry should be made, with a view to prevent the alienation- of any land, the sale of which may be, or may be deemed to be, prejudicial to the public interests."

This is the man who, " being diily sworn," gave the strongest evidence against the sale of any land in blocks, stating on oatli that " such a plan will very materially retard settlement in this

province." (See Appendix, 1869, C No 1.) Nothing shows the hollowness of the professions of the so-called " liberal party." more then the fact that that prince of squatters, the hon. Mr Holmes opposed this resolution, remarking, '' Such a mode of dealing with the lands was altogether devoid of principle. Every act in connection with the waste lands of the Crown should be governed by some principle, and should not be entered upon merely in consequence of the exigencies of.the moment. The G-overnment, in bringing down this

resolution, wore not sincere in their desire expressed on the hustings to place the people on the lands. This was not the way to put the people on tho land. "They knew that no land would be sold except the very land they sought to preserve for the people. He would oppose this motion, because if it were passed, the best lands of the country would fall, into the hands of large capitalists. He could indicate who this block was intended for. It was for Mr W. J. T. Clarke, and the Moa Flat station was indicated. He was the only man who could buy it, and would get it. There was no wisdom in Ihe course intended to be pursued, and he would oppose the resolution." The question naturally occurs, if Mr Reid can thus sell 50,000 acres of land to one man, can he not sell 500,000 or 0,000,000, and if he can thus" dispose of the lands, where will be the reserves for immigration and railways under the acts of last session ? The profession of anxiety to prevent the alienation of any land prejudicial to the public interests is a hollow mockery coming from the lips of one who gave sworn testimony that the sale of any laud, in blocks however small, was prejudicial to the public interest. Mr Thomson, who conies up to the Assembly as the " member for the Clutha," though an unwavering supporter, candidly confesses that it must be "agricultural land," for Mr Clarke, he naively admits, would not give £l an acre for pastoral land. A further question arises. If Mr Reid can raise a revenue in this way to pay off a bank overdraft, contracted in defiance of law, what is the use of the Provincial Audit Act ? What meaning is to be attached to Mr Stafford's circular to the banks, warning them " that should any officer of your bank receive any revenue of a Province in payment of any money advanced by way of overdrafts or loan to such province without the authority of an act of the General Assembly the provisions of the Provincial Audit Act, 1806, will be enforced."

As we said at the outset, we see nothing to prevent Mr Reid after this effectually settling the land question for ever ! He has only to get his claqueurs in the Council to pass such resolutions, and thereupon sell all the land in 50,000 acre blocks ! His treasurer, if unable (as is freely stated in Otago) for any other duty, will at least be equal to this very pleasant one o,' incurring a large debt to the bank, and so keep up a continual pretext for more land sales. The happy way in which the pair openly set the law at defiance is very charming, but can it last ? We shall see. As the matter stands, it is a most shameful instance of the public interest being endangered by the passions of men who, by raising a hollow cry, have got into a position of power. Ardent admirers of " central legislation" for the whole colony, Reid and Bradshaw openly defy it, so far as regards their own province. Frantic in their professions for bona fide settlement, and their determination that the land shall not be shut up from the people by runholders' leases, they have sold the Island Block, one of the fairest spots for settlement in the interior, and are now taking power to sell the Mo a Flat to Mr Clarke, a wealthy runholder, who does not even live in New Zealand! Joining in the wild and wicked cry against the Superintendent at the late election, that he wished the land kept for sheep and not for men, those dastards have had to sit under the reproaches of their own party in the Provincial Council as expressed by Mr Lumsden on Saturday.—When large blocks are disposed of in the manner proposed, the land is given over to sheep and cattle, and not for settlement." Traitors to the principles they profess to hold dear—iri open rebellion against the authority of the supreme legislature—bent on sacrificing the

best interests of the province to their lust for power and thirst for pay, they will have the unblushing effrontery to come up to the Assembly and ask it to stultify itself, by repealing an act they forsooth refused to try, and with an overdraft the damning evidence at once of their misgovernment, and their disloyalty, hanging like the sword of Damocles over their heads. We trust the Assembly will not be weak and wicked enough to help them out of their imbroglio, but will, in the interests of the province of Otago and the colony, let them suffer the consequences of their own wrong-doing. We think that before they are allowed even to ask for assistance, they should be called upon to throw down the weapons of their rebellion, and compelled to try the existing law, already amended at their own request, before they dare ask again the Assembly to repeal it.