NEWS BY THE MAIL.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 17, 20 May 1871, Page 7

NEWS BY THE MAIL.

The arrival of the Wonga Wonga at Auckland from Honululu, though without any English mail, places us in possession of eight days’ later telegraphic news from Europe. As a whole the summary does not display much effort in its arrangement, though the, matter it contains is sad and pregnant enough. Our despatches of mail news via America from Auckland have never been remarkable for judicious selection, or an arrangement that would facilitate condensation ; but this summary is not only confusing, but also bears marks of the most slovenly slashing. Under date 17th, two items occur of so contradictory a nature as to create some doubt as to what really is the exact position of affairs in Paris. “ The Government at Versailles gives twenty-four hours to surrender” (to whom we must imagine). And a few' lines further on we are informed that the insurgents have been entirely successful. However, we have no desire to be captious, and merely express a hope that Greville and Co. may see their way to effecting a little more methodical arrangement in their summaries of mail news.

As might have been expected, the bulk of the telegrams refers to the state of Paris ; and that, in truth, is dreadful enough. Relying on the latest telegrams by last mail, we confess we were not prepared to hear of a further, and if possible more terrible continuation to the frightful excesses then ranging. To read to-day—in the nineteenth century —sentences that might well have been extracted from a history of the Great Revolution, is sickening. It is a superlative mockery on man’s judgment in attempting to speculate on the temper of a people under given circumstances. The indignities and monstrous treatment to which the clergy of Paris are subjected reads like a libel on any community having the slightest germ of Christianity. Of the two periods the excesses of the Revolution of 1798 could plead the strongest justification. Centuries of oppression constituted a tangible grievance, if it did not justify the mode of rectification ; but the uttermost depths of national abasement are reached when the Commune of 200,000 citizens says : —“ We want one million, or we will kill the Archbishop of Paris.” Having accepted what had been dinned into our ears by book-makers and tourists, that frivolity and fickleness were the characteristics of the Parisians, the world was surprised at the patient fortitude and educability they displayed in curbing their morbid

cravings for revolution during the long seige of Paris ; many even indulged in the hope that such absolute union, such a sensible subordination to the exigencies of the hour, would ultimately enable the nation to repel the invader. Union has now given place to anarchy, if that is a sufficiently comprehensive word for such fratricidal doings, such a ghastly drama. There is certainly a ray of comfort in the thought that such spasmodic demonstrations must from their very violence soon exhaust themselves. From a sentence in the telegrams, we must infer that if the struggle between the Communists and the forces of the established Government continue much longer both are likely to drop their arms through sheer inanition, hut more especially is this likely to be the case with the insurgents. The entire dependence of Paris on the surrounding country, and further afield, for food shows the precariousness of the position occupied by her citizens while this state of things continues; nor is it likely that the most enterprising trader will care to risk his neck by offering his supplies under the the walls of Paris. Considerable uncertainty hangs round the sudden development of the Reds into such a formidable power; but a body which prolongs a struggle for weeks, after being defeated over and over again (as we have been told by the telegrams), and still musters 200,000 men under arms, may justly be considered formidable. It has been said that the ratification of peace, and the sudden ending of garrison life with

its agreeable concomitant of a franc and a half a day, tempted the Mobiles to cling to their arms and their batteries, with the expectation of exacting a bribe to quietness. If this were a correct supposition, it would be a sorry reflection on the men who had just before evinced such patriotism. Other circumstances, however, would show that a deop undercurrent of dissatisfaction pervades a great portion of the people of Paris. This is shown in the number of inflammatory prints which started into existence after the capitulation, certainly not a time one would consider favorable to newspaper enterprise. Several of these were suppressed, notwithstanding that most of the other Parisian journals condemned the act as a mistake, alleging that a ninety-ninth of the population would never catch a sight of the objectionable prints; but such well-established journals as the “ Siecle,” and “ Temps” do not come within the category of “ incendiary,” and yet we are told that they too are suppressed. We hazarded the opinion last mail that the anarchy in Paris was partly the resut of demagoguism and intriguing emissaries, fostered by the indecision of Thiers, who expected common sense from men whose mental balance was violently disturbed. The same spirit of conciliation and timidity decided Thitrs on removing the Government from Paris to Versailles. Condemned at the time by several leading journals, circumstances have confirmed the justness of the condemnation. We now learn that the difficulties of the position have become still further magnified, so that nothing less than 50,000 additional men will justify him in taking decisive action. There are certain periods in the history of nations when a dictator is required, and France appears to be in that predicament at present. We can only trust that Paris will succeed in conquering herself, instead of compelling the Germans to trample her into quietness a second time.