Original Correspondence.

New Zealander, Volume 10, Issue 878, 13 September 1854, Page 3

Original Correspondence.

To the Ediiov of the New-Zealander. Sin,—Suffer me for once in these pressing times to lay aside the conventional custom of offering an apology for the remarks with which 1 now trouble you. Indeed if 1 could for a moment believe you were of the same opinion as your contemporary, you would conclude that I am supported in this course by the arrival of the time (as the "Southern Cross" would say) "for plain speaking," though but a very short time previously we received a lecture from that quarter admonishing us to he very t:ood, while the " flower of the colony" were here. The only reason which I have to assign for taking up my pen on this occasion is perhaps the best that could be adduced—namely, a desire to discharge what I conceive to he an imperative duty towards myself in the fir»t place, and my adop ed country in the second. If you my remarks unworthy a place in your current publication, why, you will be at liberty to exercise your undoubted right of committing them to the flames; whilst 1 shall console myself with the reflection, that I have ina.le nu attempt, however feeble that maybe, to perforin the part of a citizen and a colonist. I set out with declaiing my unqualified disapprobation of the sentiments and conduct of the greater part of the members of the House of Representatives. Were I or any other observer to take the present batch of legislators as a fair sample of men who are fit for selfgovernment, 1 should conclude at once that they have themselves produced a most undeniable, yea, atartling demonstration of their incapacity for such an excellent and therelore desirable boon. Certainly it could not be deemed illogical to conclude that men who have given such clear and unmistakable evidence of their incapacity to govern their own tongues and their own passions, are not fit to govern a country. " Physician heal thyself." But I am not about to arrive at such a rash conclusion as that this colony is not lit for selfgovernment. 1 believe in the sentiment many times uttered and written by the leaching politicians of the world, i.e., that society at large always contains every requisite amount of talent and other qualities for all political purposes, when the right men are placed in their suitable and proper offices. 'I he most beneficial object which the colonists of New Zealand will obtain from reviewing the conduct of the majority of the members of our first Honourable House of Representatives will be the too glaring fact which must force itself home to their own sense of discrimination however mortifying it may be, that they have not been sufficiently alive to tho qualifications essential for legislators, and therefore

tl.at they have not returned the proper men. I We in the Noiib were, led to prognosticate a better | state of affairs than lias turned up, when taken as we J were by storm by the first flourish of trumpets in the j first assembly of this very august hotly. It I was not exclusively what we heard in the House, nor from what we read in the papers, that the mighty results were expected, but from the general report which by some means obtained circulation of the vast amount of business that was absolutely necessary to be gone through, and the most certain, revolutions thit were j sure to bo effected. It was remarkable to witness the trouble and the interest Mr, Carleton took in lionising Mr. K. G. Wake- ! field, yea, the pride in which the great scholar ap- j appeared to take in introducing him to the small and j great,—the first-rate and third-rate men of the North. It was plain, natural, and emphatic in action, if not in language, that he endeavoured to convey the impression that this Mr. Wakefield, who had just arrived from the South, was, by his eloquence and his general dazzling qualifications, shortly to astonish the weak nerves of the men of the Auckland Province. When 1 saw this, I thought it was really a very great pity that Mr. Wakefield should have fallen into such bad company (politically speaking) as Mr. Hugh Carleton and his well-known associates. If, said I, his politics and conduct run in the same line as this latter gentleman's, his name will soon dwindle down to the same contemptible political level as his then apparent friend Mr. Aristocrat in one place and Mr. Democrat in another, and his associates. That the Erudite and his friend would act the part of Jonathan Wild after idolising and parading him ;—they would make use of him so \ong as he ministered to their designs, in carrying out their peculiar crotchets, and would come at their bidding, but as soon as he showed that he had a mind of his own, and »ble to strike out a path for himself, so soon as he became restive and obdurate, and exhibited the lea«t symtoms of a desire to run counter to their wishes, they would hand him over with disgrace lo the public executioner, the same as the notorious Wild did the agents of his villainy. It has tumid out that such predictions were correct. The first act was tie monstrous struggle for ministerial responsibility, in which great battle they, of course, allowed him to take the front rank undisputed. It was well fought, and the acknowledgement of the principle was honourably gained on their par', and as willingly and readily acceeded to by the Governor on his part. This battle having been won, the small fiy thinking they had no more service for the great statesman Mr. Wakefield, they had as they thought used him as far as was ne-cessa-y, and then pitched him overboard. They so far had certainly gained a political triumph ; but the instiuments that we'e selected to cerry forward the great principle soon proved themselves not equal to the task. Such was the excited eagerness of the great champions who formed the first ministry to obtain office, that they jrave over the armour and standards of the war to the enemy, instead of further securing and more triumphantly completing and sounding their vie ory thro ij>h the length and breadth of the colony. Here 11,o„ r»« their first ftincliiiiir—their first raistake.it was

Mien was ineir nrst mucuing —men hero they cot into the quick-sands and suoils of poll tical delinquency. In their hurry to clutch the seals ot office, they made a had bargain. These into who were inflated wiih a full-blown political principle, wer* content with an a) •'ogy, a mere sham. If we want anything from a child and to do so without subjecting it to a "fit of crying and sobbing, we give it another bauble and it looses sight ol that wh.ch we are desirous to procure. The Governor gave them what looked very pretty fir the time being, they were highly pleased with it, perfectly content, and altogether lost sight of the main thing for which they had been struggling. They were like the dog, which, when crossing the plank with aboneinhis mouth, saw his image reflected in the brook, while grasping at the sha low let go the substance. Thes' men had everything signed, seded and deli.-ered to them in a manner satisfactorily t > their wishes. Now, how do 1 know tl at they were well satisfied ? why of course both by their words and their actions. Did they not publicly thank and heap praises on the Governor lor what he ha J conferred ! Did they not immediate.? coinmenc • asub ciption with a view to purchase such a testimonial of his conduct as would band down bis r.arne to the latest posterity ? But how far did they act consistently to their own pet principle? Why, their subsequmt conduct proved plainly that they eith'-r did not undi-r*.tand that for which they had beeu contending that they really did not know what they did want, or if they did, they at least played traitor to it by their acceptance of a spurious article—a mer* sham. Could they not have made a htand against it when it was first offered to them, as they did eigU or ten weeks after 1 It would have shown their foresight, and hive been more consistent to have done so. Their excuse for riot having done this is both lame, redicalous, and even down right childish. The strongest point they have on wheh to rest their case, depends upon what is contained in twe letters, the one the -Ministers letter to the Governor and his reply to the same, the issue ol which I would be bound to settle by going to any school in the city and .-electing two of the dullest boys who have only advanced so far in a ki owledge of the English language as to understand simpl; the meaning of a negative as distinguished from a positive, or in other words—of yes from no. Th J se gentlemen should tell us hi w, when, and where, the first light broke upon their minds so as to cau.-e them to repent of what they lad done, and in consequi nee, to res'mn their posts ? But aftt-r all to whom were they responsible? To 'he llou-e oi Uepresentatives? They as a body w. re never previously consulted as t.> their elevation to office. They as a body never consent, d for them to act in that capacity, bui all was '■opposed to be granted. Were they responsible to their con-lituencn 8 ? no, because tliev had not elected them to fulfil such a post, nor could they oust them if they did not p» rform their duties satisfactorily. When they took

office they did not go back to tbeir constituencies lor their approval. The whole then lies in a nut-shell, ihey were only r>sponsible to the Governor, and held their situations subject to their good behaviour, in receiving: the countenance and support of the House of Representatives. They engaged to lend a helping hand to the Governor, and as soon as they became weary and discontented they pave notice and lett their situation. It was certainly a very honourable billet, but for a precious little pay. They were acting in the capacity of mere unpaid helpers or servants. The cre;m of the joke is, that they were not shrewd enough to see their position tdl thev had been working hard, to use their own lan-o-uage, for upwards of eight weeks. Mr. Sewell, poor souk publicly and candidly admitted that when he as a lawyer viewed the transaction in which he acted a prominent part from first to last he was really and truly ashamed of it. And wall he may for the buggaboo of responsible government in the way it has been handled, though a good and proper principle in itself has been the means of a great loss of time, created much angry feeling, and in fact utterly spoiled the session; by driving the members at the eleventh hour to hurry over the business without discussion in a bungling system—such as will no doubt require to be done all over again. But who is so hardened as not to shed a tear lor the Governor, when he takes into consideration the bitter disappointment, the loss which he has sustained in consequence of this vexed and unfortunate misunderstanding, the result of which is, that he is not to get that rich, that costly, that honourable, that beautiful, that valuable testimonial with which he was to have been presented ! Another striking feature in their consistency and high sounding terms, and piofessions of responsible Government, wasexhibitod by the ministers themselves being willing to receive a colleague—who had not been elected by a constituency—but who was to obta n office by the nomination of' the Governor. So far as the Legislative Council wus concerned, the ministers had overlooked that | art of the Assembly, until Mr. Whitaker reminded them of such neglect of duty ; for if it was good fur one house, it ought, by the same reasoning, to be good for the other. It was not till after they had'resigned, that they showed themselves in their proper colours. To all appearance the testimonial was given up ; they would not support even their own measures, but threatened to vote against them if brought forward by others. 'I hey took care to bold out a threat, both ii the House and through the press, to the effect "that if any of their party took office, he would be -acting the traitor !" Vet in the face of ihu, they r fused to form anoth' r ministiy from their own parly ; and during the time the Governor used his exeriions to form one, if possible, to proceed with the urgent business of the country, they not only refused to lend any assistance, but by their combination aiid party feeling, threw the others into a minority, and caused their resignation. Now.it must be really amusing to witness their intrigues and shifts—their cunning—their turnings and twislings in rsference to, and as connected with their own professed designs. Could it be believed that after tbeir having resorted to every scheme to oust the present Government officials —yea, after Mr. Brown 8 telling the people from the hustings that the ministry had resigned in consequence of the serious financial embarrassment of the Colony—and after that honorable gentleman's assuring the citizens that the ministers could do no good till they had put the old executive to the rightabout —and after other members in the bouse declaring that no confidence could be placed in the present holders of office—yet in the face of all this, sooner than they would leave the business of the country in tbe hands of a ministry constituted after their who sham—sooner thin leave new men to tread in their slices—they are agreeable to beat a retreat, strike their i colours, and leave the interests of the Culony in the

keeping of tbe Governor, and '**•*-"«?•&&*? ownsbowing-imtoriously cormpt staTthe eld LxecuMve. If this be aot polities with a vengrance, or tno dog in the manger policy, 1 am at a loss what to cull it. Hut, Sir, in my chanty for erring creatures, I cou.a have forgiven the ex-ministry and tluir partisans lor a great many of their Bins, were it not for the capricious an.) glaringly faction* opposition fhev exhibited to lbs) grand and elaborate Ycbeme of policy wbi'ib was laid before them in the Ocsernoi'a-Speech at the opening of the second session. They have l y doing so lost » | golden opportunity of still earning the confidence of : their fellow Colonists, and of retrieving their deeply i tarnished political characters. That Speech embraces t plans and principles so thoroughly appropriate to the wants, wishes, Aelings, and circumstances of the greater numher of the Colonists. Yes, principles and privileges for the ohtainment of which our countrymen, in our native land have long been straggling, and for which they have ardently and fervently, by petition, &c. called upon the British l'arliament to cause them to become the laws of the land. That address was strictly and consistently in perfect accordance with the li'>eiai spirit of our Constitution. In fact the very best, without exception, according to my judgment, that I have seen issued to the public since mv arrival in the Colony. Is it nothing to ?ee offered for our adoption an elective Executive, in contriJistinciion to a house of nominee- ? A suffrage which has hitherto been acted upon as all but universal, coupled as these are with two other points, which formed part o r tb< popuInr document called " the People's Charter," namely. " equal electoral districts and payment of members." And though last, not least, the very admirable scheme for the bona fide working setters. It also contains a virtuons recommend tion to rendei ju--''ice to nil, and Strongly and forcibly e joins that injustice should !>e done to none. It is crediubly and also properly in harmony wi hj the divine comui-ml, yia, equal in meaning to that beautiful parage in Holy Writ, where we are exhorted to " do unto others as we would wish them to do unto us." Aye, yes, well may Mr. Hart, wl i ! e judging from his own exclusive. on-sided, «nd aristoc atio notions, publicly and boldly assert in the House of Representatives, tuat he could not believe that either the Governor or the new ministry were sincere in their recommendations. Nor did it create much surprise, but rather met with a hearty response from different parts of the house, when Mr. Cutten declared that if such an able an I well digested document had been I id before them at the first commencement of the session, it would most undoubtedly have saved a great deal of time from being lost, and much labour from positively being worse than thrown away. idr. Picard, too, was compelled to qualify his opposition, by admitting that it contained the embodiment of every member's particular crotchet. Jt was no more than what might have been expected—than that t ea-ly member from the majoiity side of the hous-e—b nvever eloqu. Nt and fluent on other subjects—should on this occasi n taik like one bewilJer.d, am! apparently at a loss for argument, language, hnd utterance, as if he was speaking and acting against some cherished sentiments of las in ait. Dr. Monro, who is a good speiker in the

main, ami usually adorns his ideas with neb and beautiful language, and possesses a genius for amplication almost exhaustless, never appeared worse thau he did on this subject. There was a gr. at falling* off in argument, language, and logic. He got on very rci-erably. what with his pause?,and bis cominndly drinking «*- tei.asit consulting the muse for an idea or t»o, j *t to make an appearance. Almost every memh. r who was about to vote against it, was obliged, in order to preserve his consistency, to trump u >*.«me aoftapologr or some redeeming explanation. This wis faction, and the man in the gallery who could not perceive, it, must have been too much of a party man hiin-c-11. The ' Southern Cross ' abstained from making any remarks in the address, when it was first published i;i its columns. Yet in the n?xt publication it contained a declaration that it went farther—.meaning, I suppose, in its claims for the adoption of right and justice—Uifta it (the -Crosi.') had ever gone. The Governor, by that act, has pluck- d the lam els iiorn hII their crowns. He has decidedly turned the scale against our colonial upstart aristocracy. He n>w deserves, and that richly, a better testimonial than the absurd and ridiculous pound \<n head subscription will purchrt.se, and one which is a thousand times more valuable to every conscientious and right minded man, in the support, thegood wishes, the heart felt gratitude, and the lasting (banks of every wocking man in the colony. Such is a more noble, more cheering, more consoling, more stimulating to further efforts, and a more satiifactory testimonial in every re»ptc«, ibau could be obtained by gold, even if they, the origimvort of the otlie", were to double or treble the first amount of their subscript on. It has said the Governor was not the author of it. V\ hat does it inai ler to me whether he is or not. so long as I know thai he has read it to the Assembly, that he has adopted it, that he has stamped it with authority by his r-ignature, and therefore become responsible for its sentiments ? It is a document which has nature, truth, justice, and revelation on its side, and whether it was the production of himself or his ministry conjointly, 1 wsooe—and but a very humble individual —beg to tender both him and them, and all who sup-po.-t<d it, my most unqu.iliii d thanks, tend wish to add, that I was so ry, very sorry, to witness the very i . - proper manner in which it" was treated, especially by the very men who have j: ade sucii extraordinary professions of liberality and of having the iuterests of the Colony so much at heart. I would support any man or number of men in .very rank, from the king to the peasant, 'vho owns and recommeuds these principles,— because I look upon them as eminently calculated to generate and diffuse the ble-singa of peace and cont. ninent, and to create and foster harmony and universal brotherhood. While on theother band, a contrary, illiberal, and exclusive hind of policy will stir up aad i.rinrr inm full blaze, the worst feel in era of our common

bring into mil maze, tue worst ierii»gaw< ««■ -»—•»-- nature will spread, en»y, jealeusy, malk-e, and cont ntion—political strife, "engendered bj factions, party interest, and party feelings, as it ha* always don- froai ihe foundation, and will continue to do to the eud of the world. And why should not we. the hardy sons of toil, enjoy the'lull measure of our rights, when it U the intention of the Home Government, as folly and clearly demon-trated in the Constitution, that we should do so? What ia the sum of our offending ? A-e v.e not loyal, useful, and industrious? Do they wish t. spur-, slight, traduce—t ample upon us, and ush us as bond slaves, or mere beasts of burthen ? Ob. Thou presumptious, ambitious man, whence didst thou derive thy commissi in to tyrannize over and ill tretl thy fellow creatures ? If this is not the case? why oppo'se that very laudable boon which has been offered for the special benefit of the woiking settlers ? la it net directly from labour that the wealth of every nation springs ? Is it not labour that is so much required to bring forth the bidden trea-uie* and develope the resources of this Colony? Would it not then be an net of wisdom as well as generosity to render every encourage nent to the labourers tout are here, already and by such an excellent plan, hold out s proper inducement for others to ccmeand settle among us? Would it not in various ways curb and check the giasping and avaricious propensities ol'ibe Und shark? Would it not be the means of more equally dividing ;inri balancing political power be'ween the capitalist and the labourer ! To maketl.U evident and clear to even the most dull a'ld stupid dolt of my o«n class—l will suppose that a capitalist srets possession of 4,000 acre* of land, and at the s;»me time an aspirant for polical ascendancy, he proceeds to lay the same out m farms of 400 acres each. This wou d even on this extensive scale give him 10 voto--, that is according to the old understandi •<; that the farmer would he expected to vote with his landlord, if be divided it int > 200 acres, it would give him the influence over 2<» voles, and il he divided it into 100 a re farms, it would o-.ve him -10 votes. It would only need a few of such characters to swa.ap every election, and cause our liberty to he only a name, and our constitution to he a mere Je id letter. The independent electors without organization, and scattered over the country would be at The entire mercv of this landed aristocracy. The system of the Working SettLrs would check this bt-cau*e they would be numerous, free and independent. D d not the landed gentry of New South W r alee wish to erect a Peerage in that Colony ! The Governor in the Speech as strongly recommended the Working Settlers' pi n to be cauied out, and so far be has done his duty. In the event of a dissolution, the electors gni«r.dty ihroujf! out the colony will be called upon to do theirs', by being so devoted to their own aid their children'* interests, and also the general prosperity of the colony as to vote only for such men as will cau>e such a system io bo carried out. Any man who could deliberately argue and vote against such a inea«ure, or sit still and net support it, or fkulk out of the house to screen himself from either speaking or voting is in my opinion no trust-worthy friend to the industrious classes of the colonv. The colonists can expect to do no jjood with the ' present house because the bulk -a a batch of iucureabiei. The work must be done at the next election. The electors ought not to vote in the dark. Nor wr«uld it be 1 proper for them to support a candidate, simply because he happens to be either an Knglish, lush, or * Scotch- \ man. Not because be has he. n a geod neighbour, a eood employer, or a friend, but because he holds the right and liberal opinions, and has al-o the requisite amount of abilities, and the moral course to defend \ them at every opportunity, on lhe. floor o» the pe»t>t* > House of Representatives. r urs, &C, W.»i. 6IUIV!<