The New Zealander. AUCKLAND, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 29, 1353.

New Zealander, Volume 9, Issue 752, 29 June 1853, Page 2

The New Zealander.

AUCKLAND, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 29, 1353.

Be just and fear not: Let all tho ends thou aiin’st at, be thy Country's, ihi Cion's, and Truth’s.

To-morrow, the issue of the protracted contest for the Superinlcndency of Auckland is to be decided; —decided not by uproar, such as that with which Mr. Brown’s parly succeeded in drowning the voices of all whe were not on their own side at the City Nomination, bn 1 by the y.dU'S.df J.’Wjirthe anniversary of the day or which the New Constitution Act received the Royal Assent, and, as such, the curious in coincidences will note it as the day in which the electors of the Capital Province of the Colony will exercise perhaps the most important and responsible of all the privileges conferred by the measure. It will be a dav charged with results the momenlousness oi which few can he so thoughtless as not k see, or so reckless as to disregard. If there wore (which there happily is not) any ground for seriously apprehending that Mr. William Brown would be chosen to the Siiperintendcncy, it might well be matter of grave doubt whether it would not have been bellei for the honour and welfare of the country, if the Constitution Act had never passed. The question has been sufficiently long before the electors to enable them to consider it in all its bearings. It was on the 6th ol April that the Requisition to Mr. Bartley, with that gentleman’s acceptance of it, appeared in our columns. That Requisition originated mainly in a conviction on the part of those who got it up, that, however scats in the Councils might be made the objects of party struggling, it was in the highest degree desirable that the Superintendent should be chosen, if possible, by the voice of an united people, and in an expectation that such a centre of union might be found in the person of Mr. Bartley, whose habitual abstinence from the strife of local politics pointed him out as “likely to fulfil the very important duties of the office with integrity and strict impartiality towards all classes.” In corresponding language, Mr. Bartley accepted the invitation, emphatically observing in his reply,—“ Unity is indeed at all times desirable,—rarely more essential than at the present period.” So far, all promised well, and the lovers of peace and friendly co-oper-ation might for a few days have hoped that this election at least would be permitted to pass over harmoniously. And who was the man to sound the tocsin of strife, and to force upon the Province the necessity of an embittered contest ? Who but Mr, William Brown ! He has never condescended to explain his reasons for coming forward in opposition to Mr. Bartley, except, indeed, wo were to take as such (what he now denies) his sarcastic allusions (in his speech on the hustings) to “some milk and water personage whocould unite and make himself agreeablcto all.” Mr. Brown in hisoriginal address to the Electors assigned as the reason for his then offering himself, that “a Candidate had already come forward;” but ilie question remains unanswered. Why did be set himself in hostility to that Candidate,-a civilian, and confessedly a gentleman in whose imparlialily the electors were willing to confide ? It was not that, like Colonel Wynyard, ho was forced forward by an unsolicited and unexpected pressure from a great mass of tbe constituency, —for there was no Requisition to Mr. Brown, —his strength, such as it was, lay in influences that could be more privately icorked, and, to this day, even the

name.) of liis Comraillec have not beeti n . ac public. Nothing appeared on lj« [ace of his Address beyond the assertion that beca “- iliero was a candidate in the field he JcU f bound to conic forward, and, ofcourse, that considered himself preferable to that candidate. [i will not be forgotten, however, that n mi. j Brown had not entered the lists as an anta- j rronist, Mr. Bartley would undoubtedly have j been the Superintendent of the Province, and , that on Mr. Brown rests the responsibility or having provoked and rendered inevitable a contest which has already so grievously set neighbour against neighbour, and engendered strifes which may not be soon or easily allayed. This responsibility is rendered the heavier by the consideration that Mr. Brown must have been perfectly aware that his candidateship would excite indignant opposition on the part of very many of the electors, to an extent that it would not have been excited if some other—perhaps il any othermember of his own party had come forward. However he may have Haltered himself with visions of eventual success in his opposition to Mr. Barllev, he could not have been ignorant of the deeply sealed objections to him in the minds of numbers. But he risked the consequences with his eyes open to then "ravilv, and he must therefore be held accountable for them—whatever they may prove l ° The insuperable aversion felt by many to the bare idea of the Superintendency of Mr. Brown was immediately manifested in the Requisition to Colonel Wynyard, whose personal and official claims to the confidence of the people of the Province suggested him as pre-eminently the man who, if (tny candidate could do so—would disarm opposition, and unite the suffrages of voters of all classes j in the community. The chief difficulty j seemed to be to induce that gentleman to i undertake an office which would entail upon | him labours and anxieties for which it could | afford nothing in return, that, in the position already occupied by him, would be any equivalent, —unless indeed that he might regard as such the opportunity of serving a Province in the prosperity of which he has alwavs shown so lively an interest. \\ hen that Requisition appeared—with its unprecedented numerical strength, and its still more impressive strength derived from the standing, character, and intelligence of many of the subscribers, —when Colonel Wynyard was induced to accept it,—and when Mr. Bartley, by the advice of his supporters, withdrew from a contest which had assumed such now’ and unexpected features, Mr. Brown had a fmc opportunity of performing one act which he might afterwards have appealed to as patriotic and disinterested, by also withdrawing from the field in favour of a candidate whose conduct in the analogous office of Lieutenant-Gover-nor his own paper had eulogized many limes in unmeasured terms. But patriotism and disinterestedness such as this, are to be found only in men of a different stamp from

Mr. Brown. The frails of Mr. Brown’s self-sufficient determination to maintain the contest, have daily been made more and more apparent, in the controversies and animosities of which it has been the occasion. The Southern Cross has been continually over-flowing with nhnco * ond c miv> <"•- - . ” V nave certainfy given energetic expression to their strong views and feelings in opposition to a man whose election they believe would be a great evil. Two considerations, however, should be borne in mind in every comparison of the articles and letters on this subject published in the New Zealander and the Soul hern Cross respectively. hirst, Colonel Wynyard is in no sense responsible for the contents of our journal: he has no means of knowing what is about to appear in our columns with reference to himself or any other person ; he would, we believe, be one of the hst to attempt to dictate to us what we should or should not write, — and, if he were to do so, we should certainly not submit to the dictation. But the Southern Cross is Mr. Brown’s own paper; he is its proprietor, its “real Editor,” (although he linds it convenient to have an ostensible Editor aso helper., am \scape-goat), and itsvigilantoverseer, especially at present. When we made a statement to this effect a short time since, Mr. Brown did not venture, amidst all his denials, to deny that. Had lie done so, we were prepared with additional proof, and it rather remarkably happens that since we commenced this article*, a very decisive evidence of his authorship of certain remarks on the election, has, by the merest accident, conic into our hands. The point is of importance lor this reason, —it shows that the man who aspires to be the Superintendent of our whole community is cither himself the actual writer, or at least the approver and publisher, of the tirades of vituperation against various members of that community with which the Southern Cross has lately teemed. Secondly, there was this broad line of distinction, that Mr. Brown having pul himself forward as a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people, was fairly open to a rigid scrutiny, which he had no right whatever to retaliate upon persons who were not either competing with him, or, like him, soliciting popular suffrages. As his o;cn authority in support of tins principle may have more weight ihan ours with him and bis friends, we will quote a passage from the Southern Cross of the 2nd of November last. In attempting to vindicate its coarsely personal attacks on a candidate for a far humbler office than that of Superintendent of the Province, Mr. Brown’s newspaper said, — “ There can be no more wholesome rule than (hat every one who puts himself forward in a political and public rapacity, should be ready to have us conduc si (cd-„ /A , to the very bottom m/f'i ° r rf!miess or un worlhiness ?Hio- u l*on ban ; and so long as public actions and conduct are made the basis of (bis enquiry, all is right and as it ought to be We even go a step further , and say Zl private ,nay b ° of so notorious be in? n" ab | ° ? c,cscri Plion as to warrant its i /o 'hni / . ere ly brought forward and appealed anu , aS a g °° d and Mihwnt objection om,l t a> " J , P erson as « candidate for public , office, or public respect.” Ibis was the doctrine of the Southern s ttoss when its object was to extenuate its (

own course of aspersion and ’vilification• but the moment the principle is in any meo ’ sure brought to bear against Mr. Brown and those who, from being mixed up in hi s niu ® lifarious concerns, are unavoidably more *" less distinctly introduced in every “sifii n „ to the bottom” of him , he and his friends raise the horrible outcry by which u,! public has been almost stunned, and have the effrontery to plead the “sifting” 0 f candidate as a justification of their grossly personal attacks on the public and private character of persons who are in no way i m plicated, except as exercising their imdoubt” ed right as electors to ‘‘sift” the pretensions of the man who asks their votes. It j s Ye plain that—evenjjf the writers in the Zealander had b¥en as abusive as those C the Southern Cross , there would still have been this palpable difference in the cases that they were scrutinizing (though it niigjjJ be with an unsparing hand) the conduct of a man who had volunteered to challenge scrutiny, while Mr. Brown and his coadjutor wore, in a spirit of mean vindictiveness, assailing men just because they were opposed to his ambitious effort to become their ruler. \y e unaffectedly regret that so many asperities have mingled in the controversy ; but there, sponsibility of provoking all that has been bitter on both sides, rests, in an obvious point of view, upon Mr. Brown. But let us come from the husk to the kernel of the controversy, as to Mr. Brown’s claims. In his address to the Electors he refers to his “services’ as entitling him i 0 their suffrages for this high distinction. Re has hud the columns of his own paper to parade those alleged “services” twicea-week, and he has not been slow to avail himself of the advantage; but we ask every candid and 1 impartial man who has weighed his boastful | claims, with the facts and reasonings in the I opposite scale, docs not the balance preponI derate unequivocally against Mr. Brown? Has it not been proved to demonstration that some of bis pretended “services” have been useless, and some much worse than useless; and, moreover, that self-interest has pervaded the whole of what he calls his “exertions for the advancement and prosperity of our adopted country.” Lot ns cite briefly a few instances,—most of which, it will be remembered, have already been discussed in our columns, to which we may refer for the details of evidence. Mr. Brown was, in former years, a member of the Nominee Legislative Council. What good did he do there? Can he point to a single beneficial measure adopted on his proposition, or to a single injurious measure defeated through bis exertions? What remains as the memorial of his senatorial career except the record of amendments which were not carried, and sometimes not even seconded, and ponderous protests, which —so far as real benefit to the colony is concerned —were never worth the paper on which they were written. But, hold! What of the Marriage Ordinance question ? Has not Mr. Brown pointed attention to the fact that “the Secretary of State discovered the cogency of Mr. Brown’s reasons” (as embodied in one of his “ protests”), and that the Home Government has shown “a full and complete acknowledgment and adoption of his suggestions.” We have before invited («i join «c in loughing ui SO Capital a joke as Mr. Brown’s seriously pulling forward the notion that what he said in the Legislative Council here in 1847, really guided the actions of Sir John Pakington in 1852. But if it did , what lias been the practical issue of Mr. Brown’s efforts in the case? Why, just that the Marriage Amendment Ordinance—which removed painfullyfelt grievances, and satisfied all parlies— has been disallowed , and the Colony must again be embroiled in the trouble of discussing some new law on the subject. It is no had specimen of the real value of Mr. Brown’s “ services.” Let us not be unjust, however. In one important matter, Mr. Brown certainly did succeed. To him and his Southern Cross the breaking up of the Corporation is mainly to be attributed. He did obtain an influence over a majority of the Common Council, which led them, first to fritter away months ol precious time, and then to abandon their trust altogether. Mark the result of Mr. Brown’s services. A sum of upwards of two thousand sterling pounds, which lay in the treasury awaiting the order of the Common Council, was lost to the Borough, and with it, of course, were lost all the improvements which a judicious expenditure of that amount might have accomplished. The state of our roads, and streets, and bridges, during the weather we have lately been passing through, may enable pedestrians and equestrians, citizens and farmers, men, women, andthrdren, to judge for themselves of the good Mr. Brown has done in the matter of the Corporation. But are we not “ indebted to Mr. Brown for the great boon of Cheap Land?” So said his proposer at the Nomination, hut so do not facts say. No doubt Mr. Brown wished for cheap land, j ust as every other land speculator and monopolist would wish for it, and every other man who could make money by buying and selling it on commission for absentees. But the “ opening of the country” that Mr. Brown contended for was not the System now established, but a repeal of the Naitve Land Purchase Ordinance, and a liberty to Europeans to deal directly with the Natives, —a project which has been absolutely prohibited by the New Constitution Act; —and although, as we once before suggested, it is possible that the Governor may devise means of practically obviating a portion of tins difficulty, yet, if be should do so, it certainly will not be according to Mr. Brown’s teaching. Mr. Brown has had nothing to do with the recent Land Regulations. They arc Sir George Grey’s, not his. Until the passing of the Act of last year. His Excellency had no power to reduce land to 10s. or os. an acre ; but when that Act, and the delegation of Royal Authority provided for in it, placed in his hands the ability to confer ibis great boon, lie lost no time in bestowing it on the country. Certainly Mr. Brown received the measure with pleasure. M bo can doubt ibis when it is remembered with what cordiality the land-dealing firm of which he is a principal rushed to put in a sufficiently early claim for a great block of country, and the tenacity with which they re?

tamed their hold, against ihc entreaty of poor Reid that they would do—as other applicants had done—relinquish in his favour their grasp of a small portion of their claim, —small to them, but of vital moment to him and his children? Yes, Mr. Brown loves Cheap Land for himself; and, moreover, he lias such enlightened views of how land claims and questions ought to be settled—as the narrative of Mr. Chisholm’s case, and Mr. Reid’s case strikingly illustrate; but, after all, it is not to - Mr. Brown, but to the object of Mr. Brown’s enmity and abuse— Sir George Grey that we are really “ indebted for the great boon.” it would bo easy to recapitulate further reasons for believing that Mr. Brown’s claims to signally meritorious “ services” arc mere hollow pretensions. The pretence that he obtained a direct line of packets to Auckland from England is answered by the facts that others, especially the Rev. Mr. Cotton exerted themselves for the same end, and that if Mr. Brown did strive in the matter, he was himself to have the profit of the agency..-.The pretension as to his advocacy of Missionary Land Claims has doubt cast over its sincerity by the revelation that the concession of those claims would have involved a concession of claims in which he was himself interested, —not to dwell particularly here on the circumstance, of which we are assured on reliable authority, that the best articles in the Southern Cross on this and some other topics in respect of which Mr. Brown is wont to boast, were not written by him (though about that time he vaunted of being the “real Editor”) — nor yet by any one who will vote for him to-morrow.... The pretension that he deserves credit for opposing the imposition of the New Zealand Company’s Debt is answered by the fact that in opposing it he only went with the whole population of the Province, and was contending against what would have cost himself —in his extensive traffic in land—a good deal of money: while the obtrusion of the pretension may lead some to ask, Why was Mr. Brown not present and aiding, at the Great Public Meeting on the subject in February 1852, and why did ho start a crotchet, and base upon that crotchet a Petition of his own, thus creating at least the appearance of division, when it was of paramount importance to show an united front ? So of various other pretensions; we find self, self, self meeting us everywhere in Mr. Brown’s movements. Do we then say that a man may not combine his own interests with the general interests in a sincere and honourable advocacy of public measures ? Far from it. But we do say that he ought not in such cases lo lay claims to any special purity or patriotism for himself, but should he content lo take his place as one of the multitude. When he endeavours to still himself up to such an eminence over his fellow-labourers in the same field as to claim lo he placed at the head of them all for services which they were as active and as zealous as himself, according lo their positions and opportunities,— and would have himself regarded as a lofty patriot, and made Superintendent of the Province for his joint-exertions with others in matters conducive to Jlheir common advantage, then, the homely but significant word that is most appropriate lo his conduct is just—ll ujinuc. The case might he different if Mr. Brow n’s friend’s could point lo any acts of his which manifested a public spirit that cost him money. But whore are such acts to be found ? What has he done for cither Europeans or Natives which involved an outlay without a prospect of a cash return ? Have his known contributions to the ordinary objects for which appeals are made to the community exceeded the average donations of persons in his class of life who make no particular pretensions? lie would have the electors believe that he is especially a friend to the working-classes; —how has lie shown it? To give employment is no proof of it, when labour is indispensable lo his own business affairs. To give credit is only a proof of it when it is certain that a price is not charged sufficient lo cover the risk, and that there is no attempt lo acquire political influence through meansof the favour. But w here is Mr. Browns active “ service” or liberality lo be found in connection with the various institutions and movements designed mainly for the benefit of the operatives ? Look at the instance of the Mechanics’ Institute; four years ago it was going entirely lo ruin ; a few friends of the intellectual improvement of the working classes, of whom Mr. Brown was not one, laboured successfully for its re-organization : amongst oilier means of reviving its operation, the Committee asked a number of gentlemen lo aid it by giving Lectures; several complied, but Mr. Hr own refused , and the Institute was left to struggle on unheiped and uneared for by him. We believe he is not even a halfcrown subscriber to its funds. Again, we can all remember the (happily unusual but deep) distress prevailing amongst die poor here in the winter of 1851, and the efforts made to meet that exigency. What part did Mr. Brown lake in those efforts? Did he attend any of the Meetings on the subject? Did he aid in forming or supporting the Cheap Bread Association ? When some benevolent individuals who thought humanity a belter thing than political economy,—acting, however, by the authority of a Public Meeting—suggested to Lieutenant Governor Wynyard the idea of placing a temporary interdict on the exportation of food, until it could be ascertained whether there was a sufficient supply in the colony lo support our own population until the harvest,— (seeing that no supplies could he expected from Australia, where the disco- • very of gold had caused a scarcity from which we were indirectly but severely suffering),— Mr, Brown’s Southern Cross strenuously opposed the effort, and it now has the hardihood to claim credit for having done So ? and even to urge as an objection lo Coloncl Wynyard that be so far sympathised the poor as to enter into that propoSa fi and to forward it for the consideration of file Govenior-in-Chief! Not to enlarge this catalogue of Mr. Brown’s “services'’ 100 lunch for our space to-day, we shall mention only one more ease ■“that of the “Auckland I.ond Association,”

established lo enable persons of limited means to obtain, by the payment of weekly subscriptions, small freehold properties of their own. Wo select this because it illustrates one of the many points of contrast between the two Candidates at the present election. What has Colonel Wynyard done? lie cheerfully, and with his characteristic frankness, accepted the office of Patron of the Association, and himself look shares in it, (as is known to every one who has attended the “drawings” at which the names of the shareholders arc read aloud); and this he did avowedly for the double purpose of promoting the general object of the organization, and of encouraging soldiers by bis example to provide for themselves little properties which, in the event of their discharge, would enable them lo become what the Pensioners have become— settlers, prospering in their own affairs and an useful addition to the Colonial community. What has Mr. Brown done in this movement? Has he given cither his money or his lime lo advance the objects of the Association ! Whether does lie sympathise more with the endeavours of working men to obtain small farms under the Cheap Land Regulations, or with the grasping attempts of landsharking monopolists? A most significant fact is that the Southern Cross i\ ever published the reply of the Governor lo the Address of the Association, in which His Excellency gave the kind and satisfactory assurance that he would, as far as possible, guard the interests of the men of limited means in the administration of the New Regulations. It was a public document of wide interest, —one which a journalist who wished to keep his readers in possession of current local news would not have failed lo insert in his columns, if he had not some strong private reason lo the contrary*, yet those who read the Cross only, may to this day he ignorant of its existence ! The working men are, as we well know, shrewd and intelligent enough to draw the inference for themselves. And now, having given these illustrations of the true character of Mr. Brown’s “services” an 1 claims (which, however, fall far short of a complete statement of the ease), we may leave the matter lo the impartial consideration of the electors, merely asking them to weigh the facts fairly and judge for themselves. We would in conclusion suggest the inquiry, What might be expected as the results, in relation lo ihe welfareand harmony of Auckland, if Mr. Brow n were to be Superintendent. This may be viewed as respects both the Government of the Colony, and more local and social considerations. With respect to the relation in which Mr. Brown as Superintendent would stand lo the Governor, could it bo one of mutual confidence, or could it be anticipated that His Excellency would place in the hands of Mr. Brown any power beyond what the law absolutely required? Mr. Brown’s seconder at the Nomination strenuously urged that Sir George Grey was too much of a statesman, and too much “ the poor man’s friend,” lo be “ mean and wack enough to ruin this fine Province to gratify his spile on a private individual,” (Mr. Brown). \Ve fully agree in Mr. Boylau’s promises, but we arrive at a very different conclusion. It is because Sir George Grey possesses stalcsman-likc qualities, and because be desires to promote the real interests of all classes in the Province, that, we believe, in the event of Mr. Brown being Superintendent, his Excellency would bo likely to keep in his own hands the full amount of authority which the Act of Parliament empowers him lo retain, and to place as little discretionary power as possible at Mr. Brown’s disposal. Sir George Grey knows Mr. Brown well: he has now had seven years’ trial of him : he has doubtless formed his judgment of Mr. Brown’s character as respects political purity and trustworthiness: and Sir George Grey has repeatedly proved that he would not he deterred by clamour and abuse from taking the course that he believed most in accordance with his duly to Her Majesty, and most conducive to the general and eventual welfare of the colony. In keeping a tight rrmonMr. Brown, he would have support from the colonists here, which, fur reasons sufficiently obvious, would have more influence at Home than any that Mr. Brown’s party could exert in opposition lo it. Even on business grounds, many would probably think that it might be quite as well that a man whose agricultural and commercial speculations are so extensive as Mr. Brown’s, should not be put in 100 early possession of the Governor’s intentions on various subjects in which all should have fair play and a fair start. And, as respects the Seat of Government, that will of course be where the Governor resides ; and the Governor may very naturally —just as, we presume, Mr. Brown himself would —fix li s usual residence whercevcr the persons with whom he would come most into contact were likely lo treat him in a becoming manner. A new Government House is about lo be built at Auckland ; but, if we arc lo believe the Southern Cross's assertion that Sir George Grey burned down the former Government House, then, Mr. Brown, if Superintendent, might deem it his duly as “guardian of the public funds” lo maintain a vigilant superintendence over so valuable a public properly, lest His Excellency might lake a fancy again to amuse himself at playing arson ; and such surveillance would, we suppose, be by no means agreeable lo any Governor. Then, with regard to the general disposition of the community towards the Superintendent, could it he, in Mr. Brown’s case, cordial or confiding—pleasant (ohirnsclf, or satisfactory lo the citizens at large? it is no disparagement lo Colonel Wynyard’s popularity to say that the Requisition to him hears many names which were appended lo it quite as much for the purpose of recording a protest against Mr. Brown’s pretensions, as of signifying an appreciation of Colonel Wynyard’s merits. Let any man who is acquainted with our district look at that list of names, and form his own opinion. He will find the names (with few exceptions) of our leading merchants, our most extensive agriculturists, and our most intelligent settlers, with a long array of persons in humbler life, many of whom have known one or both of the candidates well and long. He will also find (he names of Clergymen,—not, as he might infer from (he Southern Cross , of one denomination meiely, hut of all Ihc denominations ; for it is a most I significant fact that (here is not a single rclii eious denomination having regular Ministers

placed over congregations in (he Province, which is not represented by one or more Ministers in the signatures to Colonel Wynyard’s Requisition. The voting papers will show whether one solitary Minister in charge of a Christian Congregation in any part of the Province, will vole for Mr. Brown;—and we of course must wait for that particular item of information until those papers can he examined. But lo look at (he supposition of Mr. Brown’s election in another aspect; — let any man glance over the columns of the Southern Cross for the last few weeks, and as he reads the hitter personal w Racks —not merely on public acts hut on private character —with which (hey abound, let him ask himself if the man who has published and circulated these attacks could, either comfortably lo himself, or satisfactorily to others, occupy the relation of Superintendent 10 the individuals whom he has assailed, —lo (heir families and friends, —or to others who may learn from what the Southern Cross has done in these cases what it would do in other cases towards those who may he impelled by a sense of duly to thwart Mr. Brown’s personal views. These are rather hints than developments of what might he said on these topics,—hut it is easy lo follow them out. We have not written thus from apprehension (liat Mr. Brown will he elected. On llic contrary wc are as sure as we can he of any result yet dependent, upon what is necessarily contingent on the “ manymindsof many men,” that Colon: 1 Wynyard will be returned by a large majority. But for the credit and future benefit of the Province it ought lo he a very large majority; and no elecloO should deem himself at liberty lo he otherwise than active and vigilant until that result he actually secured. We have deemed il quite unnecessary lo enter upon any new exhibition of Colonel Wynyard’s claims loa warm-hearted and vigorous support. The objections urged against him have been so completely refuted that it would he a work of supererogation now lo reiterate the refulati on. 11 may generally he slated lhalhy reversing what has been said oj Mr. Brown, the reader may arrive nearly at what we might truly say of him. As the case was aptly summed up by Mr. Lusk at the Onehunga Nomination, Colonel Wynyard “is not his ow'n Trumpeter ”; tie “is not a detainer and abuser of those who appose him”; he is “ neither a monopolist nor a land shark.” Let his Lieutenant-Governorship speak for him ; “ what good thing was he ever asked to do, (hatwas consistent with the limited means at his command, that he declined to do?’ Let his conduct in that office he judged ol by what even Mr. Brown’s own paper said of him, when Mr. Brown had no interest in decrying his merits, and we are willing lo abide by the conclusion. Rally (hen to the poll early 10-morrow, reflective, honest, intelligent, and independent Electors! Let your convictions of what is really best for the interests, present and lo come, of (he Land which is lo he (he home of yoniselvcs and your children, and those convictions alone , determine your votes ! Act as your consciences tell you you would wish you had acted, when the excitement of (he present hour has passed away! Let (he adjoining Provinces of New Zealand, (he neighbouring colonies, and (he British Empire at large, see that you arc worthy of the Constitution, recently conferred on your adopted country,—by rejecting Mr. Brown and choosing Colonel Wynyard as your Superintendent by an overwhelming majority.