ADDRESS

New Zealander, Volume 9, Issue 752, 29 June 1853, Page 2 (Supplement)

ADDRESS

Of 1 lie Cotnmilloe elected at a Public Meeting of the Pensioners al Onehr.nga, who were empowered to select lit and proper persons to be returned to sit as members in the Provincial Council of the Province of Auckland, to represent (be interests of the Pensioner Settlements. INEELOW PENSIONERS, Working Men, and Colonists generally,—We, the Committee appointed in aecoidanco with the resolution passed at a Public Meeting, beg to embrace this opportunity of addressing you on the movement, which you have empowered us to carry forward. We pledge ourselves to work heartily and do our best towards ensuring' success to the cause we have taken in band. And at the same time call" upon you (6 lend us tour united co-operation and assistance to carry the same through properly and successfully, Such a step as we nowinvite you to take, being according to “Act of Parliament strictly legitimate, and consistent with your duty as Pensioners, as Members of civ it society, and as Colonists. Whatever objections may have been urged against the Pensioners as a body taking any part in politics, ■and against our enfranchisement previously, such have been properly met and removed by the Queen and the British Parliament, by the granting of the New Zealand Constitution Act. which has conferred upon us the same rights and privileges as upon other British subjects Wo are sorry to have it to say that a fete at times have both spoken and written against the enfranchisement of the Pensioners, and have even gone so far as to cast severe reflections on the policy of the government for having conceded this right to us. We, however, cannot hut think that such as have done so, must have taken only a hasty and a ve;y narrow view of the question ; or, that (hey have written and spoken when actuated by

feelings of prejudice or interest, instead of a sincere Sf ,o vLiLe the cause of truth and jus -ce It has not been without mort.lication to our freli gs as men, that we have witnessed such an unfair J charitable disposition manifested. 1 his »»ein„ the - time since our arrival in the colony, that we of necessitv have been called so prominently -before the public, and in a manner in which our statements can receive proper authenticity, we presume we mi*lit be allowed to defend our own cause in answer to the various reasons urged win we. as Pensioners, ought not to enjoy our political rights; and this we shall do to toe best of our ability, though humbly, still Doldiy and fearlessly. „ . •, , •. We remember that severe reflections and bit er censures were hurled at the bead of Governor Sir George Grey, who granted the Municipal Charter, and all who supported it, singling out and alluding particularly to the clause which gave votes to the inhabitants of the Pensioner Settlements,-omitting at the same time, in our opinion, (ogive any thing like forcible or convincing arguments, or any tangible groan Is of reason against it. Now, then we wish to put a few questions to these jealous and selfish denouncers of the People's Hights; and, at die same time to inform them that we fancy we are able to detect sophistry and mystification, should any of these patriots condescend to reply to our questions. . Is it because we receive compensation for our serv ees from the Government by way of pension, that this jealousy arises, and for which forsooth we ought to he deprived of our rights as British subjects, and thus remain in the character of inferiors or slaves as compared with other portions of the community ? Js it because we, as a body, are tainted with crime, and have thereby di-qualified ourselves ? Is it that because, when we were on active service, that is, when facing the battle and the breeze, we ever showed either fear or cowardice, and thus brought tsgrace upon our country’s flag ? Surely these sticklers or consistency would not attempt to bring such a charge against the British Army. , Is it because we are not unclt r (ot the present tune) direct taxation, that our interests ought not to be represented in the councils of our adopted country . High authorities have laid it down as a correct principle “ that taxation and representation ought to be co-equal.” Politicians Lave taken the cue and reiterated the sentiment until it has bidden defiance to contradiction by b coming generally acknowledged. Can it be proved that we are not taxed ? Do we not spend the whole of our pensions and what wages we earn besides, in procuring taxable ai tides for every dtnj consumption ? And does not our money, so spent and circulated, asi-ist others, find its way into the Custom House, and help to swell the revenue of the Colony ? On what other ground is their argument supported against our having votes? Is it merely because we have been soldiers that these liberty-loving gentlemen would wish to deprive us of t ur rights? Is it because many of us have both fought and bled, and suffered diLer hardships and deprivations in the field, or when ploughing the treacherous waves in defence of the Commerce, and the institutions of our fatherland ? Or because we are still fairly liable at a moment s call from our Officers, to fight or perhaps die, in defence of the Colonists, and our adopted country, that we ought to be precluded from voting at the eh ctions ! Is it because we ate not so likely to be true and loyal to our Queen and country for being treated like rational beings, and placed on an equality with our fellow men, that it is wrong for the pensioners to be so recognized as to be brought within the pale of the Constitution? Is it because we receive a kindness from P e bands of the Queen and Government in this way, that we must of course shew symptoms of insubordination? Or would they argue that ads of oppression would be the better way of causing us to be more loy.il to our Queen, and obedient to our Officers and discipline? Then as to the preceded s. Have the constituencies in England, Ireland,or Scotland, always refused a personas their representative on account of his being an officer, and a rved bis country, either in the Army or Navy ? Have they not frequently chosen Colonels, Majors, Captains, &c.,of both Navy and Army ? W as the late Great Duke of Wellington considered any the inferior as a Chilian for having once been a soldier in active set vice, and wrs be not once even while a Field Marshal in the Army, the Prime Minister of England? And did be not hold other situations under tbe Government in a civil capacity'?' And was Lord Nelson, another of England’s noble-'t heroes, any the worse man for being in ihe Navy? How many (we would humbly beg to ask) of the British Colonies have been governed by Naval and Military men, during the last century? Do the Americans chime in with this doc trine of ex' lusion from office, ar.d political rights Do they look upon such as a crime, and degradation? Do they not honour their soldiers with places of re sponsibility and trust? How many of the American Presidents have been Military men ? Does the Get o t their having served in that capacity, necessarily d privet them of all legislative abilities, smother their feelings of humanity', prevent them from acts of benevolence, and blind their minds to all practical common sense. And would your consistent politicians, who so strenuously advocate the universal rights of conscience and of citizenship, and who so boldly contend for the rights of the Natives of New Zealand to be in every respect recognized as British subjects, wish, nay njoicC, to sm; some hundreds of \our tellow Countrymen treated as “ aliens and slaves” merely because they once were soldiers, and having served their country have come to labour and spend the remainder ol th *ir days amongst you in tbe midst of toil and bard work ? Part cular stress has been laid on the probability or, as they would make it appear, the certainty, of such political privileges proving a premium to it subordination. Would it not be an net of the greatest ingratitude for us to turn round and shew by our conduct towards our Quetn and Parliament, that because of their having condescended to confer a power upon us which will enable us to protect ourselves against every system of injustice, therefore wo will become disloyal, and in consequence disobey tbe legitimate command of our Officers ? Though it is nearly two years since such a charge was made against us. and made pending tbe framing of the present bill in Parliament, —yet we ask, Have ©ur officers corroho rated ibis view of the case by raising a general complaint or by memorializing tbe Government to withdraw, in the present constitution, such influence on that account from us particularly until the expiration of our s rvitude in the colony ? Would any of these contenders for purity of election, and who also contend against the pensioners right to vote, refuse our assistance when contending fur any office under the Constitution, on the grounds of such assistance emanating from what they have denounced as a corrupt source? We think not. If while moving from place to place in active serv ce, and provided for put of the public funds, we had no vote, is that any reason why we should be prohibited from taking a part in politics, now that we are all about to'be subject to the same laws, and the same taxation as the rest of our fellow countrymen ? Let them tell ns if they' can when these rights were forfeited ? Was it by enlisting into her Majesty’s service, or during onr servitude, or since we ctime hither, that wedisgreced ourselves, and for that reason lost our right of c tizensbip ? Yea, we fearlessly challenge them to tell us when, where, Low, and why, we are to be thus politically degraded? If the foregoing is not sufficient to establish our right to be treated ns civilians, but to be branded as slaves in the minds of these advocates of freedom , we have still higher grounds. But before we proceed we wish to state thus publicly that the idea of our Officers either wishing or attempting, so ffir as we are concerned, to dihe us to the poll like slaves, or to force us to act against our inclination, is a mete fabrication. The same power which the government has given us to protect ourselves against any unjust or unequal system of taxation, is evidently as likely to protect us against any unfair and illegal treatment by our officers. If we do our duty, that is all that is required of us, to make us free. And should our officers, which is not likely, n qtrre us to do more than that, our grievances are the more likely to be brought forward and redressed. We would be at any rate none the worse for having a voice in the making ot those laws by which we are to be governed. Since there has been so much harping upon 'his siting we have reason to think that all sensible men will both agree with us and excuse us, for thus pleading our cause. '1 he fault of it, if there is any, lies at the door of our enemies, not at ours. Since we have commenced the subject, we beg to inform tho-e parties who have objected and still object to the pensioners being enfranchised, that we do not rest our claims on the doctrine of ex pediency or custom, or on law books and musty records alone. We claim these rights because we are men, because wo have derived then as a git of our Maker to bis creature man, as is cleat ly and fully illustrated in the laws ot nature and creation. U e hold the opinion that all men from the clays ot the creati n of Ad.un to the present time were boiU

equal in respect of their natural rights. All men ar e not born with the same amount of faculties, but that does not alter the question as to rights. It has been asserted again and again by many learned and sound I political writers ‘‘ that the unity of man is a truth * easily demonstrated and incontrovertible.” When any roan either learned or unlearned seriously contemplates the natural dignity of man, when he f Pe l 8 for the honour, the present aud future happiness of Ids fellow man, he certainly must become irritated at the attempt made to impose upon his credulity or ignorance, as if mankind were to be governed by s-.phistiy, force or fraud, and as though they were all knaves and fools. Would he not feel disgusted at those who could n main the satisfied dupes of such an imposition ? It j<j by distortrdly exalting some men, that others are distort 1 v debased fill the whole is out of nature. The Mosiao account of the creation, of divine authority,* i s clear and conclusive on this point, of the unity or equality of man. The beautiful expressions there used admit of no controversy. ‘‘And God said let us make man in our own image. In the iinage of God created he him ; male and female created he them.” The dis. tinction of sex is here pointed out, but no other distinction is either mentioned or implied. Here then 13 both historical and divine authority for the equality of man ; and it is the oldest upon record. When the fate of ourcnuseis taken intoconsideration and the influence either for good or evil it will have on the minds of our countrymen at a distance, none but a heart callous with prejudice or corrupted by dependence can avoid interesing itself in our success. The axelus at length been laid at the root of the tree of error end corruption, and government by experience has been taught justice and humanity. It has always been over the lowest class of mankind that government hy terror has been specially intended to operate, and history proves that it is on them it operates to the worst effect, they having feeling and s?nse enough to see that they are the objects aimed at. Despotism goes on better where the people are not allowed either to act or >peak for themselves— the more ignorant the subjects, the firmer the hold of the despot over their lives and liberties. But under a syg. (era of representation, great pains ought to be taken to instruct and enlighten the'people, and to make them see that their interest consists in their virtue and no in their revenge. It will be a wise pobey on our part to use our best exert’ons, cheerfully and unitedly, to turn the chance now before us into a happy and satisfactory event. When it becomes necessary to de anything of such paramount importance to ourselves, our children, posterity, and the colony, the whole heart and soul should go into the measure, and set with determined vigour, or not attempt it ; for, by the latterc; urse, we save ourselves from disgrace. If our movement succeeds, it must be satisfactory to those who framed tie constitution, in which the property qualification is abolished, the poor man allowed to vote, and to be-, come a legislator if be is capable of fulfilling the duties of that office. The question withyou now is—Haveyou sufficient spirit to undertake the arduous duties, and z nl and fortitude to maintain and support them against ill apparent, but, by perserer.ince, surmountable difficulties ? If those to whom power is delegated do well, t ey will be respected by their constituencies— if not, they will be rejected. 'I he franchise in our native land is such, owing to the condition of the people, as to esc ude multitudes from a vote for a member cf parliament. Before the Reform Bill passed, not more than one out of every hundred was admitted to rote. Hence it was that the politicians of those dayv need make their appeals to the electoral body onlv, and if they could propitiate the ( lectors, they could afford to treat the rest of the people with disregard. Hut amongst us it will be essential totheir success that they have the hearts and wishes of the people on their side. We trmr, for the sake of con>istency, that we shall hear no more objections to the Pensioners having votes. It will also become a standing fact in favour of the onward march of freedom, and such as will pave the way and be a stimulant and encouragemeift for others to go and do likewise. We again ask who say that a Pensioner ought not to be allowed to vote, whether this is the language or the principle of a heart feeling, as it ought to feel, for the rights and happiness of the human race? la it not painful to see men j.restituting their genius and talents against nature and truth, and thereby making suicidal efforts to corrupt themselvts ? In any event, our experiment will be useful to our neighbours. If we fail, it will be a warning to them— if we succeed, an example. We want to see the Pensioners of the various settlements, when duty calls them, taking an interest and a part in pol tics, and thereby training themselr s in the exercise of those faculties which are engender d and nuMured by freedom. In such a school are nourished patriotism, self-devotion, energy, and ail the long train of civic virtues, which cannot exist without it. In reviewing the arguments put forward hy these professed advocates of liberty and independence, our crime appears to arise from the uncontrollable circumstance of our origin, being English, Irish, and Scotchmen ; for, had we been African captives, or New Zealand notices, we would have no trouble in finding men truly animated and rightly inspired by sympathy and liberality, to plead our cause, instead o? wishing to deprive ns of our liberty. How strikingly does the conduct of some o f our would-be patriots, who would, in the first place, if they could, prevent us from having a vote —and when they fail in this, turn round and ask oar support, contrast with the noble sentiment* of the pleader for the emancipation of the African slave, ns delivered in the House of Lords. Lord Brougham, in conclusion of a long speech, said, “ So now the fullness of time is come for at length discharging our duly to the African ca],the. 1 have demonstrated to you that every thing is ordered, every previous step taken, all safe-—hy experience shewn to be all safe—for the longdesired consummation. The time has come, the trial has been made, the hour is striking, you have no longer a pretext for hesitation, or faltering, or delay. The slave has shewn, bp four pears’ blameless behaviour and devotion to the pursuits of peaceful industry, that he is as ft for his freedom as any English peasant—l ye, e.r any lord whom 1 now address. I demand bis rights I demand his liberty without stint. In the name of justice and of law, in the name of reason, in the name of God, who lias given you no right to work injustice, 1 demand tha your brother be no longer trampled upon an your slave.