ADDRESS

New Zealander, Volume 9, Issue 748, 15 June 1853, Page 4

ADDRESS

Of the Committee elected at a Public Meeting of the Pensioners at Onehnnga, who were empowered to select fit and proper persons to be returned to sit as members in the Provincial Council of the Province of Auckland, to represent the interests of the Pensioner Settlements. FELLOW PENSIONERS, Working Men, and Colonists generally,—We, the Committee appointed in accordance with the resolution passed at a Public Meeting, beg to embrace this opportunity of addressing you on the movement, which you have empowered us to carry forward. We pledge ourselves to work heartily and do our best towards ensuring success to the cause we have taken in hand. And at the same time call upon you to lend us your united co-operation and assistance to carry the same through properly and successfully. Such a step as we now invite you to take, being according to " Act of Parliament ;" strictly legitimate, and consistent with your duty as Pensioners, as Members of civ il society, and as Colonists. Whatever objections may have been urged against the Pensioners ns a body taking any part in politics, and against our enfranchisement previously, such have been properly met and removed by the Queen and the British Parliament, by the granting of the New Zealand Constitution Act, which has'conferred upon us the same rights and privileges as upon other British subjects We are sorry to have it to say that a few at times have both spoken and written against the enfranchisement of the Pensioners, and have even gone so far as to cast severe reflections on the policy of the government for having conceded this right to us. We, however, cannot but think that such as have done so, must have taken only a hasty and a very narrow view of the question ; or, that they have written and spoken when actuated by feelings of prejudice or interest, instead of a sincere desire to vindicate the cause of truth and justice. It has not been without mortification to our feelings as men, that we have witnessed such an unfair and uncharitable disposition manifested. This being the first time since our arrival in the colony, that we of necessity have been called so prominently before the public, and in a manner in which our statements can receive proper authenticity, we presume we might be allowed to defend our own cause in answer to the various reasons urged why we, as Pensioners, ought not to enjoy our political rights; and this we shall do to the best of our ability, though humbly, still boldly and fearlessly. We remember that severe reflections and bit'er censures were burled at the head of Governor Sir George Grey, who granted the Municipal Charter, and all who supported it, singling out and alluding particularly to the clause which gave votes to the inhabitants of the Pensioner Settlements, —omitting at the same time, in our opinion, to give any thing like forcible or convincing arguments, or any tangible groun is of reason against it. Now, then, we wish to put a few questions to these jealous and selfish denouncers of the People's Rights; and, at the same time to inform them that we fancy we are able to detect sophistry and mystification, should any of these patriots condescend to reply to our questions. I 3 it because we receive compensation for our services from the Government by way of pension, that this jealousy arises, and for which forsooth we ought tc be deprived of our rights as British subjects, and thus remain in the character of inferiors or slaves as compared with other portions of the community? Is it because we, as a body, are tainted with crime, and have thereby disqualified ourselves? Is it that because, when we were on active service, that is, when facing the battle and the breeze, we ever showed either fear or cowardice, and thus brought disgrace upon our country's flag ? Surely these sticklers for consistency would not attempt to bring such a charge against the British Army. Is it because we are not under (at the present time) direct taxation, that our interests ought not to be represented in the councils of our adopted country? High authorities have laid it down as a correct principle " that taxation and representation ought to be co-equal." Politicians have taken the cue and reiterated the sentiment until it has bidden defiance to contradiction by becoming generally acknowledged. Can it be proved that we are not taxed ? Do we not spend the whole of our pensions and what wages we earn besides, in procuring taxable articles for every day consumption ? And does not our money, so spent and circulated, assist others, find its way into the Custom House, and help to swell the revenue of the Colony 7 On what other ground is their argument supported against our having votes? Is it merely because we have been soldiers that these liberty-loving gentlemen would wish to deprive us of our rights? Is it because many of us have both fought and bled, and suffered other hardships and deprivations in the field, or when ploughing the treacherous waves in defence of the Commerce, and the institutions of our fatherland ? Or because we are still fairly liable at a moment's call from our Officers, to fight or perhaps die, in defence of the Colonists, anJ our adopted country, tliat we ought to be precluded from voting at the elections ? Is it because we are not so likely to bo true and loyal to our Queen and country for being treated like rational beings, and placed on an equality with our fellow men, that it is wrong for the pensioners to be so recognized as to be brought within the pale of the Constitution ? Is it because we receive a kindness from the hands of the Queen and Government in this way, that we must of course shew symptoms of insubordination? Or would they argue that acts of oppression would be the better way of causing us to be more loyal to our Queen, and obedient to our Officers and discipline ? Then as to the precedents. Have the constituencies in England, Ireland,or Scotland, always refused a person as their representative on account of his being an officer, and ge r ved his country, either in the Army or Navy ? Have

they not frequently chosen Colonels, Majors, Captains, &c., of both Navy and Army ? Was the late Great Duke of Wellington considered any the inferior as a civilian for having once been a soldier in active service, and was he not once even while a Field Marshal in the Army, the Prime Minister of England? And did he not hold other situations under the Government in a civil capacity? And was Lord Nelson, another of England's noblest heroes, any the worse man for being in the Navy? How many (we would humbly beg to ask) of the British Colonies have been governed by Naval and Military men, during the last century? Do the American* chime in with this doctrine of exclusion from office, and political rights Do they look upon such as a crime, and degradation? Do they not honour their soldiers with places of responsibility and trust? How many of the American Presidents have been Military men? Does the fact of their having served in that capacity, necessarily deprive them of all legislative abilities, smother their feelings of humanity, prevent them from acts of benevolence, and blind their minds to all practical common sense. And would your consistent politicians, who so strenuously advocate the universal rights of conscience and of citizenship, and who so boldly contend for the rights of the Natives of New Zealand to be in every respect recognized as British subjects, wish, nay rejoice, to see some hundreds of vour fellow Countrymen treated as " aliens and slaves" merely because they once were soldiers, and having served their country have come to labour and spend the remainder of their days amongst you in the midst of toil and hard work ? Particular" stress has been laid on the probability or, as they would make it appear, the certainty, of such political privileges proving a premium to insubordination. Would it not be an act of the greatest ingratitude for us to turn round and shew by our conduct towards our Queen and Parliament, that because of their having condescended to confer a power upon us which will enable us to protect ourselves against every system of injustice, therefore we will become disloyal, and in consequence disobey the legitimate command of our Officers ? Though it is nearlv two years since such a charge was made against us, and made pending the framing of the present bill in Parliament, —yet we ask, Have our officers corrobo rated this view of the case by raising a general complaint or by memorializing the Government to withdraw, in the present constitution, such influence on that account from us particularly until the expiration ofour servitude in the colony? Would any of these contenders for purity of election, and who also contend against the pensioners right to vote, refuse our assistance when contending for any office under the Constitution, on the grounds of such assistance emanating from what they have denounced as a corrupt source ? We think not. If while moving from place to place in active service, and provided for out of the public funds, we had no vote, is that any reason why we should be prohibited from taking apart in politics, now that we are all about to be subject to the same laws, and the same taxation as the rest ofour fellow countrymen ? Let them tell us if they can when these rights were forfeited ? Was it by enlisting into her Majesty's service, or during our servitude, or since we came hither, that we disgraced ourselves, and for that reason lost our right of citizenship ? Yea, we fearlessly challenge them to tell us when, where, how, and why, we are to be thus politically degraded? If the foregoing is not sufficient to establish our right to be treated as civilians, but to be branded as slaves in the minds of these advocates of freedom, we have still higher grounds. But before we proceed we wish to state thus publicly that the idea ofour Officers either wishing or attempting, so far as we are concerned, to drive us to the poll like slaves, or to force us to act against our inclination, is a mere fabrication. The same power which the government has given us to protect ourselves against any unjust or unequal system of taxation, is evidently as likely to protect us against any unfair and illegal treatment by our officers. If we do our duty, that is all that is required of us, to make us free. And should our officers, which is not likely, require ue to do more than that, our grievances are the more likely to be brought forward and redressed. We would be at any rate none the worse for having a voice in the making of those laws by which we are to he governed. Since there has been so much harping upon this string we have reason to think that all sensible men will both agree with us and excuse us, for thus pleading our caus->. The fault of it, if there is any, lies at the door of our enemies, not at ours. Since we have commenced the subject, we beg to inform those parties who Lave objected and stili object to the pensioners being enfranchised, that we do not rest our claims on the doctrine of expediency or custom, or on law books and musty records alone. We claim these rights because we are men, because we have derived then as a gift of our Maker to his creature man, as is clearly and fully illustrated in the laws of nature and creation. We hold the opinion that all men from the days of the creation of Adam to the present time were born equal in respect of their natural rights. All men are not born with the same amount of faculties, but that does not alter the question as to rights. It has been asserted again and again by many learned and sound political writers " that the unity of man is a truth easily demonstrated and incontrovertible." When any man either learned or unlearned seriously contemplates the natural dignity of man, when he feels for the honour, the present aud future happiness of his fellow man, he certainly must become irritated at the attempt made to impose uponhis credulity or ignorance, as if mankind were to be governed by sophistiy, force or fraud, and as though they were all knaves aud fools, Would-be not feel disgusted at those who could remain the satisfied dupes of such an imposition? It is by distortedly exalting some men, that others are distortedly debased till the whole is out of nature. The Mosiac account of the creation, of divine authority," is clear and conclusive on this point, of the unity or equality of man. The beautiful expressions there used admit of no controversy. "And God said let us make man in our own image. In the image of God created he him; male and female created he them." The distinction of sex is here pointed out, but no other distinction is either menti >ned or implied. Here then ■ both historical and divine authority for the equality of man ; and it is the oldest upon record. When the fate of our cause is taken intoconsideration and the influence either for good or evil it will have on the minds of our countrymen at a distance, none but a heart callous with prejudice or corrupted by dependence can avoid interesting itself in our success. The axe has at length been laid at the root of the tree of error and corruption, and government by experience has been taught justice and humanity. Jt has always been over the lowest class of mankind that government by terror has been specially intended to operate, and history proves that it is on them it operates to the worst effect, they having feeling and sense enough to see that they are the objects aimed at. Despotism goes on better where the people are not allowed either to act or .--peak for themselves—the more ignorant the subjects, the firmer the hold of the despot over their lives and liberties. But under a syetem of representation, great pains ought to be taken to instruct and enlighten thejpeople, and to make them see that their interest consists in their virtue and no in their revenge. It will be a wise policy on our part to use our best exertions, cheerfully and unitedly, to turn the chance now before us into a happy and satisfactory event. When it becomes necessary to do anything of such paramount importance to ourselves, our children, posterity, and the colony, the whole heart and soul should go into the measure, and act with determined vigour, or not attempt it; for, by the latter curse, we save ourselves from disgrace. If our movement succeeds, it must be satisfactory to those who framed the constitution, in which the property qualification is abolished, the poor man allowed to vote, and to become a legislator if he is capable of fulfilling the duties of that oflice. The question with you now is—Haveyou sufficient spirit to undertake the arduous duties, and zeal and fortitude to maintain aud support them against all apparent, but, by perseverance, surmountable difficulties ? If those to whom power is delegated do well, they will be respected by their constituencies—if not, they will be rejected. The franchise in our native land is such, owing to tlie condition ot" the people, as to esc'ude multitudes from a vote for a member of parliament. Before the Reform Bill passed, not more than one out of every hundred was admitted to vote. Hence it was that the politicians of those dayv need make their appeals to the electoral body only, and if they could propitiate the electors, they could afford to treat the rest of the people with disregard. But amongst us it will he essential to their success that they have the hearts and wishes of the people on their side. We trust, for the sake of consistency, that we shil] bear no more objections to the Pensioners having votes. It will also become a standing fact in favour of the onward march of freedom, and such as will pave the way and be a stimulant and encouragement for others to go and do likewise. We again ask those who say that a Pensioner ought not to be allowed to vote, whether this is the language or the principle of a heart feeling,

as it ought to feel, for the rights and happiness of the human r°ace 1 la ft not painful to see men !*«***£ their genius and talents against nature and truth, ana thereby making suicidal efforts to corrupt themselves - In any event, our experiment *dll be useful to our ne.ghhours. If we fail, it will be a warning to them--if we succeed, an example. We want to see the Pen«oMr. of the various settlements, when duty calls them, taking an interest and a part in politics, and thereby training themselves in the exercise of those faculties which are engendered and nurtured by freedom. In such a school are nourished patriotism, self-devotion, energy, and all the long train of civic virtues, which cannot exist wituout it. In reviewing the arguments put forward by these professed advocates of liberty and independence, our crime appears to arise from the uncontrollable circumstance ofour origin, being English, Irish, and Scotchmen ; for, had we been African captives, or New Zealand natives, we would have no trouble in finding men truly animated and rightly inspired by sympathy and liberality, to plead our cause, instead of wishing to deprive us of our liberty. How strikingly does the conduct of some ofour would-be patriots, who would, in the first place, if they could, prevent us from having a vote -ana when tbev fail in this, turn round and ask our support, contrast with the noble sentiments of the pleader for the emancipation of the African slave. as delivered in the House of Lords. Lord Brougham, in conclusion of a long speech, said, "So now the fullness of time is come for at length discharging our duty to the African captive. I have demonstrated to you that everv thing is ordered, every previous step taken,, all safe—by experience shewn to be all safe—for the longdesired consummation. The time has come, the trial has been made, the hour is striking, you have no longer a pretext for hesitation, or faltering, or delay. The slave has shewn, by four years' blameless behaviour and devotion to the pursuits ofpeaceful'industry, that he is as Jit for his freedom as any English peasant—aye, or any lord whom 1 now address. I demand bis rigbts-I demand his liberty without stint. In the name of justice and of law, in the name of reason, in the name of God, who has given you no right to work injustice, I demand that your brother be no longer trampled upon as your slave. s Patrick King, Chairman. James Warner. Henry Brearly, Serjeant. Thomas O'Brien. Serjeant. Charles Moore. John M'Giiee, Sergeant. Murtagh Madigan, Serjeant. George Bartlett, Serjeant. Patrick Kelly, Serjeant. James Geldard. James Mooney. Path. Purcell. P. J. Hogan. Onehunga, June 8, 1853.