THE NEW LAND REGULATIONS.

New Zealander, Volume 9, Issue 748, 15 June 1853, Page 3

THE NEW LAND REGULATIONS.

(From the "Taranaki Herald.") Everything connected with the New Land Sales Regulations will l>e considered important, and we may usefully learn the opinions of the sister .settlements upon a matter fraught with such vital consequences to the entire colony. It is by such comparisons alone that, in our isolated position, wc are enabled to correct or receive continuation of the opinions we have formed, and are still forming of the measure, and a!so~ of the character of the opposition by which it has been encountered. This opposition, if founded simply on n jealousy of seeing the Governor taking a step in advance of the General Assembly, although natural enough in the circumstances of some of the settlements, is not, it must be submitted, a valid ground for a general opposition to a measure which may be considered capable of working good for the colony; nor can it be deemed wisdom—even though doubt of the legality of this exercise by the Governor of a species of legislative power may exist —to make that a ground of opposition ; for, if the Proclamation is illegal, which, however, is by no means certain, it will be the last time his Excellency will have an Opportunity of exercising a power, which, taken as a rule, must doubtless be considered open to weighty objections. If, then, the reasons for opposition to this measure which have been above stated are to be considered insufficient to justify it, much less can it find justification in considerations of merely individual interests ; and yet this appears to be the ground upon which it must be held to rest. The colony wants cheap land ; and the colony is not to have it because the parties whom this opposition represents might suffer in their private interests. Mr. Sewell's letter to Sir John Pakington, referred to in our last, would infer that the Proclamation was unpopular, when the reverse is undeniably the case. That it is not ail that could have been desired is granted, but it may be safely asserted that had the measure simply gone to a low upset price, such is the strong feeling in favour of a diminution in the price of land, that nineteen-twentieths of the settlers would have endorsed it. One of the principal organs of this opposition is known to hold opinions in favour of a fixed price of land, in opposition to a low upset price, and his experience entitles his views to respectful consideration. It is, however, much to be doubted whether his conclusions are applicable to this colony. The necessity of a considerable land rcvemie is beyond question; already is any amount that may be collected appropriated to the extent of 25 per cent, and unless a larger sum can be realised than seems probable with the fixed price determined on, the settlement will neither have means to discharge the obligation already entailed, or for carrying out those measures of internal improvement, without which all the land in hand, and much of that most likely to be early acquired from the Natives, must remain unavailable, and, consequently, unproductive. Nor is it likely that a land tax will be early conceded, although in the long run inevitable. To what then but the profits on the sale of land has this settlement to look to? It has been urged in favour of a fixed price, that it would be a great inducement to emigrants to come to the settlement; but we do not see much in this, as, supposing land for sale at a fixed upset price, with a good supply in hand to control the market a very short time would enable us to arrive at such a fair general average price of land, as Avould be in every way equivalent to a fixed price for the purpose in question. But when the principal parties to this opposition are proved to have interests which they clearly conceive are in danger from the substitution of the new measure, and are found struggling by indirect means to compass the temporary protection of a system which they are deeply interested in supporting against the general interests ot the colony, we may be justified in doubting—and we do doubt—tbe'probity of the policy. And then, again, the referring these matters home, seems to be taking gratuitous trouble, since before any reply can be had, the General Assembly will have been called together, which alone has—irrespective of the interference of the

Home Government or Legislature—the right hereafter to deal with the question. The constitutional questions complicated in Mr. Sewell's letter to the Colonial Secretarymight have been beneficially mooted in times gone by, but now the Representative Constitution granted to the colony overrides the necessity, as in future the Legislature will be able to deal with all such matters without referring to the Homo Government. Great stress is laid in that letter on the nonappearance of the defendant in the suit instituted, which, if the writer were a non-professional man might very well be passed over, but which, being a lawyer, and a clever one, too, hag an ambidexterous air, for the writer must well know that in the absence of the Governor an answer to the bill was simply an impossibility. However, the object intended has been for the time obtained, and the measure is stopped. In re-opening this subject, we intended to have controlled our observations within much narrower limits, that we might have added at length a calm and sensible leader on the subject from the Lyttdton Times, from which, notwithstanding the space to which they have run, we cannot refrain making the followiug extracts. The writer is dealing with a clever letter on the subject, addressed to that paper : " Syphax would seem to be one of that class of easy-going mortals who prefer that everything should be done for them rather than have the trouble of doing anything themselves. He has a very indifferent opinion of the capabilities of our future legislators. Because, forsooth, the constitutional machine might not work lubriciously at starting, that delay might ensue, and uncertainty be produced—that is valid reason for the Executive stepping in and forestalling its functions. When the Crown placed at the disposal of the Legislative Assembly of New Zealand the control over its waste lands, it was surely not intended that that act of grace should be a dead letter. If so, we have been convening public meetings, and expressing our thanks for favours which exist only on paper. The question of waste lands was one which required the gravest consideration, and on which it was essential that the expressed public wishes of the different settlements should be obtained. That could only be effected through the instrumentality of the Legislative Assembly ; and though it is verypossible that much diversity of opinion would have existed, yet the question would have been thoroughly ventilated, the feelings of the settlements ascertained, and a measure passed stamped with the authority of public opinion. As it is, the Act has not the force of established law, and is not unalterable ; but it will be more difficult to deal with a question thus arbitrarily established, than to have initiated it. An opinion prevails in some quarters that Sir George Grey has exceeded his powers ; but this is not so ; he has strict! v conformed to the New Zealand Constitutional Act, the 72nd clause of which empowers him, until the General Assembly shall enact otherwise, to regulate the sale, letting, and disposal of waste lands. He has taken every effectual care that the Assembly does not enact otherwise. We have little reason, however, to be thankful for a boon which was no boon at all, if Sir John Pakington intended that the Assembly should have no hard in dealing with it. " The question ia one of immense importance for Canterbury. How long shall we remain without the provision of the Act extending to ourselves ! is it even advisable that onr price of land should stand at 00s., while it ranges a few miles off at ss. to 10s ! If the Act fulfils its anticipated consequence, and a large immigration flows into New Zealand, is it prudent or wise on our parts to stay the wave from flowing over our district I We think not. Some deterioration in the value of land round Christchurch would temporarily ensue, but the influx of population would ultimately give an enhanced value to cultivated lands ; for those districts would necessarily be preferred which possess the advantages of roads, markets, and facilities of approach, without which the most fertile land is comparatively worthless We must prepare ourselves for the change that is assuredly coming, and it will be wise on our parts to' take such steps as will ensure the least loss and inconvenience. It is, nevertheless, an unpleasant thought that lands which have been rendered valuble by our money and our energies, should be at the mercy of jobbers, who may purchase them with scrip bought at a nominal value. Wchavea right to demand that this, at least be prevented, and that in the event of Canterbury Ipsing to the Crown, its lands may be purned with hard cash. Otherwise our land fund will be nil, and then farewell to improvements and public works. Syphax talks of compensation : we echo his wish, and wish we may get it"