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titude for us to turn round and shew by our conduct towards our Queen and Parliament, that because of their having condescended to confer a power upon us which will enable us to protect ourselves against every system of injustice, therefore we will become disloyal, and in consequence disobey the legitimate command of our Officers? Though it is nearly two years since such a charge was made against us, and made pending the framing of the present bill iu Parliament,—gtet we ask, Have our officers corrobo rated this view of the case by raising a general complaint or by memorializing the Government to withdraw, in the present constitution, such influence on that account from us particularly until the expiration of our servitude in the colony 1 Would any of these contenders for purity of election, and who also contend against the pensioners right to vote, refuse our assistance when contending for any office under the Constitution, on the grounds of such assistance emanating from what they have denounced as a corrupt source ? We think not. If while moving from place to place n active service, and provided for out of the public funds, we had no vote, is that any reason why we should he prohibited from taking a part in politics, now that we are all about to he subject to the same laws, and the same taxation as the rest of our fellow countrymen 1 Let them tell us: if they can when these rights were forfeited ? Was it by enlisting into her Majesty's service, or during our servitude, or since we came hither, that we disgraced ourselves, and for that reason lost our right of citizenship ! Yea, we f.*ur!essly challenge them to tell us when, where, how, and why, we are to be thus politically degraded ? li' the foregoing is not sufficient to establish our right to be treated as civilians, but to be branded as slaves in the minds of these advocates of freedom, we have still higher grounds. Put before we proceed we wish to state thus publicly that the idea of our Officers either wishing or attempting, so far as we are concerned, to drive us to the poll like slaves, or to force us to act against our inclination, is a mere fabrication. The same power which the government has given us to protect ourselves against any unjust or unequal system of taxation, is evidently as likely to protect us agains' any unfair and illegal treatment by our officers. If we do our duty, that is all that is required of us, to make us fate. And should our officers, which is not likely, requite us to do more than that, our grievances are the more likely to be brought forward and redressed. We would be at any rate none the worse for having a voice in the making of those laws by which we are to be governed. Since there has been so much harping upon this string we have reason to think that all sensible men will both agree with us and excuse us, for thus pleading our cause. The fault of it, if there is any, lies at the door of our enemies, not at outs. Since we have commenced the subject, we beg lo inform those panics who have objected and slilt object to the pensioneis b ing enfranchised, that we do not rest our claims on the doctrine of expediency or custom or on law foo'.s and musty records alone. We claim these rights because we are men, because we have derived then as a gift of our Maker to his creature man, as is clearly and fully illustrated in the laws of nature and creation. We hold the opinion that all men from the days of the creation of Adam to the present time were born equal in respect of their natural rights. All men are not born with the same amount of faculties, but that does not alter the que tion as to rights. It has been asserted again and again by many learned and sound political writers " that the unity of man is a truth easily demonstrated and incontrovertible." When any man tither learned or unlearned seriously contemplates the natural dignity of man, when he feeln for the honour, the present aud future happiness of h's fellow man, he certainly must become irritated at the attempt made to impose upon his credulity or ignorance, as if mankind were to be governed by sophistiy, force or fraud, and as though they were all knaves and fools, Would he not feel disgusted at those who could remain the satisfied dupes of such an imposition? It is by distortedly exalting some men, that others are dislortedly debased till the whole is out of nature. The Mosiac account of the creation, of divine authority, is clear and conclusive on this point, of the unity or equality of man. The beautiful expressions there used admit of no controversy. " And (Jod said let us make man in our own image. In the image of God created he himj male and female created he them," The distinction of sex is here jointed out, but no other dist uction is e'. her nit n'i nd 0' implied. Here then is both historical and divine authority for the equality of man ; aud it is the oldest upon record. When the fate of our cause is taken intoconsideration, and the influence either for good or evil it will have on the minds of our countrymen at a distance, none but a heart callous with prejudice or corrupted by dependence can avoid interesting itself in our success. The axe has at length been laid at the root of the tree of error and corruption, and government by experience has been taught justice and humanity. It has always been over the lowest class of mankind that government by terror has been specially intended to operate, and history proves that it is on them it operates to the worst effect, they having feeling and sense enough to see that they are the objects aimed at. Despotism goes on better where the people are not allowed either to act or speak for themselves—the more ignorant the subjects, the firmer the hold of the despot over their lives and liberties. But under a system of representation, great pains ought to be taken to instruct and enlighten the people, and to make them see that their interest consists in their virtue and not in their revenge. It will be a wise policy on our part to use our best exertions, cheerfully and unitedly, to turn the chance now before us into a happy and satisfactory event. When it becomes necessary to do anything of such paramount importance to ourselves, our children, posterity, and the colony, the whole heart and sou! should go into the measure, and act with determined vigour, or not attempt it ; for, by the latter c urse, we save ourselves from disgrace. If our movement succeeds, it must be satisfactory to those who framed the constitution, in which the property qualification is abolished, the pror man allowed to vote, and to become a legislator if he is capable of fulfilling the duties of that office. The qui stion with you now is—Have you sufficient spirit to undertake the arduous duties, and zeal and fortitude to maintain aud support them against all apparent, but, by perseverance, surmountable difficulties ? If those to whom power is delegated do well, they will be respected by their constituencies—if not, they will be rejected. The franchise in our native land is such, owing to the condition of the people, as to exclude multitudes from a vote for a member of parliament. Before the Reform Bill passed, not more than one out of every hundred was ad itted to vote. Hence it was that the politicians of those days need make their appeals to the electoral body only, and if they could propitiate the electors, they could afford to treat the rest of the people with disregard. Put amongst us it will be essential to their success that they have the hearts and wishes of the people on their side. We trust, for the sake of consistency, that we shall bear no more objections to the Pensioners having votes. It will also become a standing fact in favour of the onward inarch of freedom, and such as will pave the way and be a stimulant and encouragement for others to go and do likewise. We again ask those who say that a Pensioner ought not to be allowed to vote, win titer this is the language or the principle of a heart feeling, as it ought to feel, for the rights and happiness of the human race? Is it not painful to see men prostituting their genius and talents against nature and truth, and thereby making suicidal elforts to corrupt themselves ? In any event, our experiment will be useful to our neighbours. If we fail, it will be a warning to them—if we succeed, an example. We want to see the Pensioners of the various settlements, when duty calls them, taking an interest and a part in politics, and thereby training themselves in the exercise of those faculties which are engendered and nurtured by freedom. In such a school ure nourished patriotism, self-devotion, energy, aud all the lono* train of civic virtues, which cannot exist without it. In reviewing the arguments put forward by these professed advocates of liberty and independence, our crime appears to arise from the uncontrollable circum-

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZ18530611.2.2.4

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

New Zealander, Volume 9, Issue 747, 11 June 1853, Page 1

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,595

Page 1 Advertisements Column 4 New Zealander, Volume 9, Issue 747, 11 June 1853, Page 1

Page 1 Advertisements Column 4 New Zealander, Volume 9, Issue 747, 11 June 1853, Page 1

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