IMPERIAL REPRESENTATION OF THE COLONIES.

New Zealander, Volume 9, Issue 736, 4 May 1853, Page 3

IMPERIAL REPRESENTATION OF THE COLONIES.

(Fro;n the Spectator, October 23.) Among the ideas long before the public, but newly assuming a place in general discussion, is bat of a machinery to represent the colonies in he metropolis of the empire. The extent of the discussion gauges the general recognition of the want. Some years back the subject was examined, almost exhausted, in the pages of a periodical P Wished at that time in our own office the Coomal Gazette. It is now a common topic in the journals of the empire, from the Australian papers to the Times itself; and the Westminster Review contributes a useful essay in its current number. But the question is assuming a more political shape. It has for some time been the practice for the Colonies to appoint agents in this country : Mr. Roebuck has served Canada; Mr. Adderley has held an honorary brief for the Cape of Good Hope ; and Mr. Fairburn and Sir Andries Stockenrtrom came over from the Cape on a special mission. The Australian colonies are already represented by several residents in London. Certain of those residents have combined to form the Committee of Australian Colonists sitting at an office in the Poultry ; and recently, we understand, attempts have been made to extend that Committee, by obtaining a mors comprehensive and combined representation of all the Colonies. There is no doubt that the Colonial representatives would derive a considerable increase of weight and influence from acting together, but something would still be wanting, if their combined representation did not originate, in some degree, under a h-ffal sanction. The colonies are admitting the want of such a machinery for the authoritative utterance of their views and wishes. The delegates who came over from the Cape were miserably disappointed by the very imperfect attention paid to them, especially at first. Dr. Lang’s parting letter to Lord Grey must be in every recollection. Delegates from the West Indies have been wandering about in search of attention. In South Australia the press supplies an excellent illustration of the want for such a machinery. The Adelaide Observer criticises Sir John Pakington’s first appearance as Colonial Minister before his constituents on re-election : hails his show of good dispositions ; but remarks that, being unacquainted with colonial affairs, he may sin as much through ignorance as ill-will, and must therefore be at the mercy of the underlings in the Colonial Office. South Australian interests, observes our contemporary, are peculiarly perilled just now, and therefore a competent guard over them in the metropolis is peculiarly necessary. All this is most true ; and the want could not be supplied without a representation under formal and legal sanction. A representation is needed which should he able to command the attention of the Minister for the time being. On the other hand, if the colonists knew that they were electing an agent for so important a purpose, there is no doubt that they would exercise great care in the election, and thus a body would be formed peculiarly fitted to ad\ ise. The proposal of the Westminster Review is for a Consultative Chamber; exactly (he proposal towards which she discussion in the Colonial Gazette tended. A body with merely consultative faculties is open to some objection ; but the faculty of commanding attention to the setting forth of colonial views would in itself bo a power of no mean order. We can imagine the advice thus tendered to be, in some eases, so strong for the Ministerial mind that would be an inclination to suppress it; but such a suppression ought to be provided against. Probably, if in the working the communication through the Minister should he found to be unsatisfactory, the Houses of Parliament might find a mode of establishing a direct communication. Various modes already existing might furnish samples for such an intercourse : witnesses heard at the bar, Select Committees witii power to call for witnesses and papers, members appointed to attend conferences between the two Houses, are examples of different methods by which either House has the facility of communicating with the outer world. If the discussions of the Consultative Chamber were public, and if the conclusions were formally presented to the Impel i d Parliament and the Executive Government, it would be impossible to treat such representations with slight. Should no such project as the establishment of a central representation be undertaken by the Ministry, probably the first step for a consultative body sponlanccus'y elected by the colonists would be to consider the composition of a bill to be urged upon Parliament for the formal sanction of the body. The very discussion of such a measure would bo a political event. It would bo an incidental advantage of a central representation, that the members would, ex facto, return to their own colonies with a personal distinction derivable from the metropolitan service; and if that distinction were sealed by the Crown with some titular dignity during service, and a higher dignity on return, as a matter of usage, —such dignity to be recognised in till parts of the empire, including the United Kingdom, and not to be that invidious thing mere “ loca' rank,” —more would be done to cement the allegiance of our colonies than by many a more costly concession. The connexion with the mother-country would be dear to the picked men of hj, nourable ambition ; and it would be associated in the minds of all colonial society with the most coveted local distinctions. Ally such distinctions with practical benefit to the colonics, ami the connexion would be made stronger than it ever lias been since English colonies existed.