THE FATE OF THE MINISTRY.

New Zealander, Volume 9, Issue 732, 20 April 1853, Page 3

THE FATE OF THE MINISTRY.

(From the “ Time?,’’ Dec. 18.) The announcement made by Lord Malmesbury to the House of Lords last evening, that the First Minister of the Crown had left London to wait upon Her Majesty in consequence of what had occurred in the other House of Parliament removes all doubt (if any could have existed) as to the important and immediate effects of the late division of the House of Commons on Lord Derby’s Administration. At the sitting of the Cabinet which was held yesterday morning the collective resignation of Ministers was doubtless resolved upon, and before night it was probably in Her Majesty’s hands. We must therefore consider the Government which has held ollico for the last ten months to be virtually at an end. In truth few government ever held office in this country for so long a time upon so slender a foundation. The Ministers were suddenly'summoned to the councils of the Sovereign without any direct aggressive effort on their part, in consequence of a casual vote, designed, it seemed, to gratify the vengeance of a rival rather than to crown the ambition of an adversary. In a Parliament notoriously opposed to their party opinions they were allowed to survive the remainder of that session, and even to pass measures of legal reform and public defence, which deserve to be remembered as their best claim to the gratitude of the country. But the principles which they had professed in opposition were in abeyance and even when they appealed to the country their attitude was equivocal ‘and their language ambiguous, The new Parliament met, and they were not slow to admit that office could only be retained by the abandonment of former pledges ; and to cast the slough of Protection was tire first effort of the session. Still however they had not encountered the formidable array of hostile Parliamentary warfare. Not even on the address was a party vote taken, and the resolution framed for the purpose of obtaining one resolved itself into a loose affirmation which the Government itself was content to adopt. On neither of those occasions did the Opposition seek to hurry on a decisive conflict, or to cut short the promised policy which “ loomed in the future.” But the production of the Budget rendered such a struggle inevitable ; for although there were several parts of that measure which deserved a favourable reception from the country, yet the main proposition of an extension of direct taxation to compensate the removal of half the Malt tax, was one to which it was impossible for the House ot Commons to assent without a dangerous modification ot the financial policy of the country. Upon the first real trial of strength in the new House ot Commons the Government is in a minority of 19, and the division ceases, therefore, to be one of mere financial interest ; it establishes the fact that Lord Derby is not supported by that majority in that House which can alone enable the Government to be carried on. Nevertheless many of the strongest opponents of this administration will concur with us in the opinion that it was not desirable that its fall should lie accelerated ; and we have uniformly discussed its measure with the utmost forbearance, because we thought it essential to the cause of good government, and to the ultimate formation of a more stable Ministry, that Lord Derby and his colleagues should be judged of by the country on their own merits. The further they went the more irretrievable became their position. Had it been practicable to bear with such a Government a few weeks longer, it is impossible that the task of forming an administration to succed it would have become less arduous than it is at the present moment. Without reference to persons and to parties we arc confident that it is the earnest wish ot the

country to sec the Government placed in the hands of men at once conservative in their principles and progressive in their policy—resolved to advance with energy in the career of improvement and to include, as far as possible, all shades of the Liberal party in the conduct of affaire. Never w r as there a moment since the termination of the late war when it was more essential to our welfare that the State should he ruled by men commanding the confidence of our allies and the respect of our opponents, able to defend our interests with the whole strength of the nation, and uphold our institutions by the legitimate power of constitutional government. The time is happily passed when it was possible to govern this empire in the name of a coterie, or to convert a reputation earned within those narrow limits into a sufficient claim to the premiership of England. The materials of which a nobler and more energetic Government can be formed are abundant and various, and we repudiate the notion that it is possible either to revert to the decrepid combination which preceded Lord Derby’s accession to power, or to strengthen that combination by a mere infusion of extreme Liberal opinions. The course of events, the state of parties, and the predominant convictions and desires of the country, point to the colleagues of the late Sir Robert Peel as the men from whom the Liberal party must now look for the most effectual asistanee, in conjunction with whatever remains available of the last Whig Administration. We may add that we have reason to believe that private communications have already taken place by which the principal obstacles to this union arc removed ; and we believe that it is upon the Earl of Aberdeen that the formation of the new Cabinet will devolve, with the active co-operation, not only of his former colleagues, but of Lord John Russell and the chiefs of the Whig party. The same delicate task of bringing together for the first time men not before associated by party ties might equally be entrusted to the Marquis of Lansdowne, whose experience, authority, and tact perfectly qualify him for such a duty. But that veteran statesman has already taken a formal leave of official life, and although his counsels must ever have the greatest weight with the Liberal party, we do not anticipate that he will accept the most onerous position in the service of the Crown. Lord Aberdeen has, moreover, the advantage of being less shackled than any man of equal eminence by personal and party ties. If it should be his duty to distribute the chief offices of State, we have no doubt that he will do it with singleness of purpose and with an undivided regard for the public service. One of the inconveniences of such an Administration is no doubt the number of aspirants for office, some of whom must be content to see their opinions represented by more fortunate or more able competitors. But the essential point is that the respective elements of such a Ministry should be fairly represented and evenly combined, since the places are not for the men, but the men for the places. The result if it can be obtained, must be a wider range of opinion and observation, a more candid and correct estimate of tire real opinions of the country, a more resolute superiority to the abuses and impediments of mere routine ; and although a Government so constituted will find itself watched in the present Parliament by a strong Opposition, it will array on its side not only a very large proportion of the statesmanship and the eloquence of the House of Commons, but also the most temperate convictions and important interests of the whole community. The question at this moment pending is, how the balance of the constitutional system in our frame of Government can be restored, and whether the perturbations and weakness bv which we have suffered more or less since the dissolution of Sir Robert Peel’s Administration can be corrected. For the honour of the country and for the credit of those free institutions which it is our pride to combine with an efficient authority in the State, it is of the highest importance that we should have done with Ministers by sufferance, which drag on a feeble existence for want of any one to supersede them, or collapse after a few months spent in the attempt to prolong their official power by the sacrifice of their former principle-. The country is prosperous and contented. It takes, perhaps, less interest than gentlemen of the House of Commons suppose in the contests which kindle all their passions. But it requires a Government sufficiently permanent to adhere to a consistent course of policy, and sufficiently progressive to advance witli the march of an actice and intelligent age. To form such an Administration will be the task of those whom the Queen may this day select for that important duty. We trust that it will be performed in a patriotic and unselfish spirit by all who may be concerned in these negotiations, for the principle of such combinations is the sacrifice of personal pretensions to the common interest; and if the example be given in this respect by those of whom it is most required, it deserves to be imitated by all who may be affected by this change in the Government of England.