MANIFESTO OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL. (From the "Watchman." May 26.)

New Zealander, Volume 8, Issue 675, 2 October 1852, Page 4

MANIFESTO OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL. (From the " Watchman." May 26.)

Lord J. Russell has issued the following address to the electors of the city of London :—: — Gentlemen, — More than ten years have elapsed since I was requested by a deputation of electors to relinquish the seat which I then occupied and become a candidate for the city of London. I was at that time in the enjoyment of the confidence of the electors of Stroud, and I had no reason to fear that I should lose that confidence at the ensuing election. But I was urged to quit that honourable position on the ground that the battle of free-trade was to be fought, and that the best field for such a battle was the metropolitan city of the united kingdom. I accepted your invitation, and after a close contest was elected by a narrow majority. The proposals which the Administration of Lord Melbourne, had laid before parliament bore the character of a marked but gradual advance to the policy of free-trade. The heavy tax on the importation of com was to be exchanged for a fixed duty. The differential duties on the imports of foreign sugar and foreign timber were to be greatly reduced. These proposals were virtually rejected, and the ministry of Lord Melbourne was at an end. The policy of Sir Robert Peel from 1342 to 1845 was based on the mo&t enlarged principles of commercial freedom. The articles of corn and sugar were indeed little affected by that policy ; but at the end of 1845 Sir Kobert Peel proposed to his colleagues the total, though gradual repeal of the duties on corn. He received the support of the whole liberal party in carrying a bill for this purpose through both Houses of Parliament. In June, 1846, Sir Robert Peel, after accomplishing this great measure, resigned office. In announcing his retirement he expressed a hope that his successors would continue his policy, namely, the promotion of a free intercourse with foreign nations. The late ministry fulfilled this hope. In 1846 we introduced and carried a bill for the gradual repeal of the differential duties on sugar. The principle of that bill is still in vigour, and in July, 1854, the duties on foreign and colonial sugar will be equal. In 1849 we proposed and carried the repeal of the navigation laws ; last year we eqalized the duties on coffee and reduced the differential duties on timber. At the same time, we have not been unmindful of those great interests from which an unjust protection was withdrawn ; for instance, in conformity with the suggestions contained in the report of a committee of the House of Lords, we reduced, by £500,000, the stamp duties, which pressed heavily on the sale and transfer of land . With similar views, we extended and enlarged the advances for drainage and |agricultural improvements which had been sanctioned under the administration of Sir R. Peel. The repeal of the navigation laws has been followed by a reduction of the burdens imposed by light dues, which have been diminished in the case of the coasting trade to little more than one-fourth of their previous amount. Other important changes have been made, intended to raise the character, and promote the interests, of the merchant shipping of the country. The question of the Merchant Seamen's Fund, which had so long been a source of discontent among our sailors, has been brought to a satisfactory conclusion, with the aid of a liberal contribution from the public purse. The general commerce of the country has been assisted by the increased provision made for colonial and foreign packets. In respect to our sugar colonies we favoured immigration and u public works by loans guaranteed by the home government. It is not necessary for me to celebrate the success of measures intended to continue and complete the policy of free-trade. You will find the more recent facts, furnishing the most conclusive proofs of the wisdom of that policy, in the financial statement of the present Chancellor of the Exchequer. That speech deserves your attentive study. The financial results of the policy of the last 10 years may be thus summed up :—: — 1 . Customs' duties have been, repealed or^reduced to the extent of £'9,000,000. 2. Excise duties have been repealed or reduced to the extent of £1 ,500,000. 3. Stamp duties were reduced, in 1850, to the extent of £500,000. 4. The window duties have been commuted for a house-tax, by which relief was given to the extent of £1 ,200,000. 5. The produce of Customs, Excise, Stamps, and Taxes was, in 1842, £48,000,000; in 1851, £40,000,000, Thus, the relief to the country has been £12,200,000; the loss to the revenue 0 ily £1,400,000. With these facts before us for our information and guidance, I can have no hesitation iv accepting the challenge to decide finally, completely, and conclusively the contest between protection and free-trade. What the present Ministers may propose to the next Parliament, I cannot divine. For myself, 1 shall be ready to contend, — 1. That no cfuty shall be imposed on the import of corn, either for protection or revenue. 2. That the commercial policy of the last 10 years is not an evil to be mitigated, but a good to

be extended, — not an unwise and disastrous policy which ought to be reversal, altered, ov modified, but a just and beneficial system, which should be supported, strengthened, and upheld. There are, however, restrictions on the pursuits of industry which still require our attention. The transfer of land is still clogged by legal difficulties, expenses, and delays which unfaiily diminish the A'aluc of that species of propeifcy, and to a great degree prevent its becoming an investment for the savings of the industrious classes. The machinery of the department of the Customs ought to be simplified to the utmost extent consistent with the safety of the revenue. It should be the object of the Legislature to remove, as far as possible, those remaining burdens or restrictions upon the shipping interest which still impede its prosperity. Leaving- questions of commercial polic3 r , I must now advert to other subjects of importance which, during the career of tlie late Ministry, required from time to time our attention. In 1847, the perils and alarms of commerce induced us to assume the responsibility of suspending the law regulating the issues of the Bank of England. In 1848, the revolutions on the continent of Europe led to a threatened disturbance of the public peace in England, and wild projects of insurrection in Ireland. These dangers were met and overcome. In 18 i(), 184/, and 1848 occurred the fe.n-ful destniction of the potato crop in Ireland by an unknown and mysterious disease. The ravages of a dreadful famine were mitigated by the expenditure of nearly 8,000,000 of money, in wages to the unemployed and food for the starving-. Such were tbe measures of immediate relief. The acts of Parliament which have been passed for promoting the great trunk railways, for loans for arterial drainage and land improvement, for the sale of encumbered estates, for amending- the provisions of the Poor-law, and lastly, for a large extension of the franchise, Avill, it isboped, lay the groundwork for the permanent welfare of Ireland. The last five years have seen the wise enjoyment and sound exercise of constitutional freedom in the great united piovince of Canada. Instead of bickerings between the upper and lower provinces, dissensions between the Legislative Coimcils and Representative Assemblies, and an executive vibrating- between arbitrary power and helpless inaction, we have seen all the powers of the State working harmoniously together, and a marvellous increase in revenue and population reward their efforts. I trust that this example will not be lost, either upon other colonies in circumstances some what similar, or upon the Legislature at home. In the West Indian colonies the two great changes effected within twenty years, from slavery to freedom, and from monopoly to competition, have no doubt been severely felt, but, generally speaking, these colonies appear to be now seeking for a revival of prosperity where alone it can be j found, — in improved methods of cultivation and manufacture. Reviewing the policy of the last five years, it has been matter of satisfaction to us who have presided over that policy to witness, on leaving office, the people in the enjoyment of greater comfort and increased means, public credit fully I sustained, taxes largely reduced yet scarcely any loss of revenue, peace preserved, and the name of England respected throughout the world. The chief cause of these results must not, however, be sought in any existing men, or any recent measures. They flow from the spirit of our people, from Magna Cliarta and the Bill of Rights, freedom of public discussion, and the temperate use of power by the crown, the parliament, and the people. It was from a confidence in this wise and considerate use of popular strength that we thought it at once just and prudent to extend the light of voting for members of parliament. It appeared to us that the advance of the working classes in knowledge and intelligence j ought to be accompanied by an increased share of political power. lam aware how dilficult a task it is to adjust in any plan of representation the respect due to ancient piescription vifch the claims of advancing trade, increased population, and growing intelligence ; but it appeared to us wiser to endeavour to make this adjustment when various propositions for the purpose could be calmly weighed and deliberately settled, than j to wait for the storm, when the conflicts of the elements might overpower the voice of reason, and the rush of the encroaching tide obliterate the footmarks of experience. There is a subject not strictly connected with the franchise, but which has an important bearing on the safety of our institutions, — I allude to education. Voluntary effort has clone much, but the means of instruction, even in reading and writing, are still unattainable by a great proportion of our working classes. I can only say, I si all pay unremitting attention to a question which so deeply affects the future condition of the people. Upon another question, which last year so greatly absorbed tbe time and attention of parliament as to stop the progress of many useful measures, I have but a few words to say. In arresting what we considered to be an invasion of the temporal rights of our Sovereign and of the nation, we were scrupulously careful to maintain inviolate the sacred principle of religious liberty. In the same spirit in which I proposed the repeal of the Corporation and Tests Acts, and constantly supported the concession of the Roman Catholic claims, I shall continue to act. One portion of our fellow-subjects is still excluded from the privilege of sitting in parliament or holding office under the crown. The ensuing elections must determine whether the representatives of the people will be prepared by large majorities to remove those useless and degrading disabilities. The oath taken by members of parliament ought to bethesame forall, — simpleand not complex, — a bond of union, and not a badge of distrust or a source of religious discord*. I have now laid my opinions before you on many subjects of past and future interest. I have shown you that while much has been clone, much remains for us to do. You will rejoice, as I do, to observe that contests for just and useful reforms, though baffled oft, are ever won. Measures of religious, civil, and commercial liberty have in our own time hsxd their origin, their periods of discussion, perhaps of discouragement, have suffered their hour of crisis and doubtful victory, have had their day of signal triumph, and finally have taken their place among our permanent institutions. Thus it has- been with the question of Roman Catholic disabilities; thus it has been with Parliamentary reform ; thus it is about to be with free-trade. In this last struggle I have played a secondary, but not unimportant part. It will be no mean glory, if honoured with the name of your representative, I shall be enabled to promote that great cause which is about to obtain from the electors of the United Kingdom its final and irrevocable triumph. Let it, however, be recollected that if the adverse party is to be encountered with success, it must be met by the free-trade reformers in a body. Large and useful improvements in our laws and administration can only be effected by the cordial union and untiring energy ,of all friends of enlightened progress, commercial freedom, and civil equality. I remain your faithful and obliged servant, Pembroke-lodge, May 22. J. Russell.