The New-Zealander.

New Zealander, Volume 8, Issue 671, 18 September 1852, Page 2

The New-Zealander.

1U" just and foar not* Let .ill Hie cuds tliou .imi'st nt, bo tliy Country's, 'lliy God's, and Tnilh's.

AUCKLAND, SATURDAY, SEPT. 18, 1852.

Wilvtkvku changes may have been made in committee on Sir John Pakington's Constitution measure in some other particulars, we think it extremely improbahlo that, the provision lor appropriating 17000 per annum Cor Native, purposes underwent any material alteration, or even encountered any serious opposition. The principles on which thai reservation of revenue is founded aroso consonant with (ho generous feelings of enlightened British philanthropy, as fellas so accordant with the justice, and sound policy oflhccase, that to many members of both House::-, it would be oneof theslrongesl recommendations of the Hill. In this light we are sure it will be \ie\\ed here by ;i large class oi our fellow colonists, who will receive, the arrangement, not wilh mere frigid acquiescence, but wilh warm approbation. Thai such a feeling will not ho imioemil, however, is rendered painfully evident by an article in the Soulhmi Croas of Tuesday, in which the appropriation is described as "' monstrous," as "utterly and absolutely indefensible," as an " oulragcous lax for the missionary loachings of the Natives," etc., etc. We refer lo j Ibis article, not lo stir up any conlro\ersy wilh our contemporary, but simply to promole, so far as we can, the formation of a right judgment on the matter, by contrasting with his vehement denunciations a few considerations leading to a conclusion opposite lo that which he has endeavoured lo impress on the public mind. We would, in limtne, protest against the assumption that a provision for the natives of New Zealand is a mere question of philanthropy, or that Iheir claims rest only on the ground of chart hj. The Maories have rights — rights immutably based upon the first I principles of the law of nations. It is not necessary in their case lo discuss primary and more abstract points of controversy— as between the aborigines of countries (whether conquered or discovered) and their colonizers — points which it is well known have too frequently!!) other instances been settled by the strong arm of superior power, by Ihe commission of deeds which have left an indelible stain on the character of professed civilisation and Christianity. In forming a conclusion hero, all occurrences antecedent to the treaty of Waitangi may be kepi almost wholly out of view, as being, for practical purposes, merged in the stipulations of that treaty, —by which the Natives, on condition of their ceding the sovereignly of the to the Hrilish Crown, were formally recognised as the absolute proprietors of the soil. They therefore are not to be viewed as intruders, who may be dealt with jusl as the clemency of the settlers may dictate; — if there wore any intrusion in the case it would rather be on the part of the settlers, who, for their own advantage, locate themselves on lands the original ownership of which is not oidy morally, but legally, vested in a people of another race. But, the idea of intrusion may most properly be discarded altogether, the arrangement being one calculated to be mutually beneficial to both parlies. In carrying out this arrangement, however, we are sacredly bound to give the i natives a fair equivalent for their properly; and no man can say that such an equivalent could be found in the few pence per acre paid for the richest lands, if that scanty payment were so lo foreclose the compact as lo leave upon us no subsequent obligation. The policy of the British (ioverninenl has not gone upon any such supposition. Tt has contemplated the existence of a difference between the commercial value of the laud and the sums actually paid lo the native proprietor, and the, appropriation of that diffeieuee lo the improvement and elevation of the natives, both directly by provisions for their special benelil, and indirectly by steps for the advancement of the country as a whole, in the advantages of which they, in common wilh their "Pakeha" fellow subjects, would participate. Justly looking upon the Maories as children in the uudci standing of their own interests, the British Government have taken the place of the parent, holding authority for the benefit of both races, but in the peculiar wise of the Maories, undertaking to manage their concerns better than, in their transition stale from barbarism, it would be possible for themselves lo do. Here we find, at the outset, a broad and firm foundation laid for such a provision as UiaL embodied in the Constitution Bill, by which — instead of leaving the whole subject to be determined from time lo time by the voles of Colonial Councils^ whose personal interests may apparently (although they would not really) be subserved by a very restricted outlay for Native purposes, — a certain expenditure on behalf of the Maories is placed beyond the reach of the selfishness, or the narrowness of view, which, in no impossible contingencies, may influence a colonial decision.^ It would no doubt be, very gratifying if I he adjustment of the matter could be safely left to what the Southern Cnm calls "colonial conturlion ," and Sir John Pakinglon reposed such confidence in colonial conscientiousness and generosity as to expi ess "a sanguine hope that. Ihe liberality of the, colony itself would increase that grant (of £7,00(1) to a larger amount;" bulhovv this " colonial conviction" would at present operate, so far as those whose sentiments our contemporary speaks are concerned, is made sufficiently evident by his estimate- of the amount lhaL should be appropriated for "native purposes." He would vole for the whole of those purposes, for the 100,000 natives in New Ulster collectively, — " s.iy, at the very utmost, l fiOO." j Again, a consideration which should not. for a moment, be overlooked is I lie amount contributed by the natives to Ihe General

Revenue ol' the Province. It is nol possible lo stale Ibis amount in precise figures, )ml when we; remember how dependent many, nol only of our dealers but of Iho importers who supply them, arc on "the Maori Irade" Cor a large proportion of (heir business, and how much of our exports coastwise are for native consumption, it must be evident at a glance thai, on Ihis ground also, the nalhos ha\e a claim which cannot be disregarded without gross injuslice. -f-And yet again, (he inloresls ol 1 the natives should the more be eared for in the formation of the Mew Constitution, because, notwithstanding the extent lo which they arc tax-payers, they will at first have but a very inadequate, if any, direct representation in (he Colonial Legislature. They will indeed be entitled to vole for members equally with (he solders, supposing- (hem lo possess die requisite qualifications; but, for some lime, the mass of (hem will undoubtedly be comparatively unrepresented. And, wo may observe lhal, however right it may be in theory that they should possess thclranchUc, (especially in a measure designed lo apply lo future years, in which their rapid advancement in intelligence will be increasingly developed,) we think it l\w from desirable lhal, they should immediately exercise lhal privilege, knowing as wo do lhal (except in comparatively rare instances) they are as jel wholly incapable of understanding the duties and responsibilities ofeleclors. iOur oomicliou of this fad, however, only makes us the more solicitous lhal, until they attain a greater fitness to act politically for themselves, their welfare should be watched over,— particularly in those respects which directly bear upon their education and training for Ihe exercise of all the privileges of British subjects. That we should nol do injustice lo the Southern dross, however, let us note here lhal it makes magnificent professions of interest in Ihe welfare of ihe Natives, and of willingness to give liberally for their benefit. "We repeat," says our contemporary, "that in training, educating, and civilising the Native race, there are none who would l)e disposed, in justice and liberality to go further than we:" and again, "we should willingly render our own contribution, and urge, others to join in the same good work." It is guile refreshing to see even in print such gushings of benevolence issuing from such a source, and, as it is always one of our most gratifying tasks lo record deeds of philanthropy and patriotism, we shall feel peculiar pleasure in giving every publicity lo any disinterested efforts for the "educating and training" of ihe Natives which we may hoar of as proceeding from the Cnm and its friends. Meanwhile, we think it is scarcely fair that our contemporary should take the British people so sharply lo task for their conduct in this mailer. Jle speaks of " Imperial philanthropy" being exercised valu al the Colonial expmw," and inveighs against " the most sordid and stringent enforcement of an Imperial enactment" by which "a handful of Britons" (meaning Ihe colonists of New Zealand) are "compelled to provide the entire means of educating and instructing a Nation," (meaning, we suppose, the Maories). The italics are our contemporary's own. Now, we would deferentially suggest that lliis is not an exactly accurate representation of Ihe fads. British philanthropy has 'neither expended its sympathy for the Natives in idle declamation, which costs nothing, nor used its strength in a " sordid enforcement" upon others of duties in the performance of which it look no part. On reference to Reports which happen to lie beside us as we wrile, we find lhal the amount annually expended on New Zealand by one, only one of the British Institutions which have' made New Zealand the field of those " Missionary teachings" to which our contemporary adverts, in a tone of half-com-pliment half-sneer, has, for several years past, considerably exceeded the lota! sum which Sir John Pakington's measure proposed lo reserve "for native purposes." This, we say, is the outlay of a single Society. The aggrogateamount contributed byßritish benevolence for Maori civilization and Christiauizalion might, one would suppose, have been deemed sufficient lo shield (he philanthropy of the British Nation from such (aunts as these. Before we conclude, we would invite the attention of our readers lo a few particulars illustrating the real nature and objects of this reservation of £7000 for "Nathc purposes." It is altogether a mistake (o suppose that the sum is to be appropriated to education alone. This, no doubt, will, as il should, form one of its most important applications; but, according to Sir John Pakinglou's explicit statement, it is also to include cxpendihire for the conslruclion and maintenance of hospitals, the payment of Resident Magistrates, gifts to Native Chiefs in acknowledgment of their services, and "generally other purposes lending to promote the prosperity of the Natives." Thus, rightly viewed, il is nol a fresh impost for new purposes, but, in a great measure, simply an arrangement for securing (he continuance, and consolidating the operation, of various agencies already existing, and, in one form or another, charged upon the public funds. Nor should it be forgotten thai this money is all lo be spent in Ihis country. It is nol to be applied to the payment of official salaries so large that the recipients of them might, if ihey chose, save out of them sums lo be invested in properties at home or elsewhere. The amounts must, from their nature, bewidoly diffused through in die districts whore they are raised; and thus ihe tax-payers will derive the double advantage of having Ihe lax relumed into the circulation of the Province itself, and of reaping the solid and permanent benefits resulting from the elevation of the Natives around them, in the promotion of which Ihe expenditure is designed to be instrumental. Once more, the appropriation is not to be placed beyond ihe reach of the Colonial Legislature. This is a point deserving special attention, all hough il appears to have been overlooked by many. The Goth clause of

the. Hill specifically profiles that "It shall ho lawful lor Iho Cicneral Assembly of \ow Zealand, l>y any Ac! or Acls, lo alter all or any of the sums mentioned in llm Schedule, and the appropriation of such stuns lo the, services and purposes I therein mentioned," — it being only stipulated j that the bills "for altering the salary of Iho Governor or the sum described as for Native purposes shall be resened for the signification of Her Majesty's pleasure thereon." Thus ll>e representatives of the people will be fully authorized lo interfere with these appropriations, whenever they deem it right. And, furihenuore, to facilitate their investigation of all matters connected with this reserved list, it \v, provided that detailed accounts of the expenditure of the several sums shall be statedly laid before them. — The Southern Crow animadverts strongly on the non-compliance with the clause of the Education Ordinance which provided that there should be a regular inspection of the Schools lo which aid was granted, and that reports of their cost, condition, and progress should be made public. The neglect of such formal and responsible inspection seems equally unaccountable and indefensible. Tt must, we should think, be the reverse of agreeable lo those immediately connected with efficient schools, and if generally known in Knglaud would materially lower the favourable climate formed (and on l he whole, wean; satisfiedjusily formed) of I he enbrlsmadeby Sir(ieorge(irey\riovernment for the promotion of Education. However, the appointment of Inspectors for one district. — New Plymouth — has lately been Ga r/ftv/, ! although (o some if will appear questionable whether the nomination of two (iovernmenl Officers ( whatever may be their qualification ; in other respects) lo perform that duty, was (he best mode of securing the objects of the enactment so as lo command general confidence, and disarm objectors. In the ■ New Constitution, howo\er, aswe have seen, the most definite provision is made that the Accounts ol'evM'y Evpe-ndilurc shall be presented lo the House of Represen la lives and the Legislative Council. In view of all these considerations, we cannot believe that the Keservation for Native Purposes will be generally regarded in j the light in which the Crow has laboured to exhibit it. Our contemporary appeals to " the thinking world" lo adopt his conclusions. We (lo not anticipate quite so large an audience; but within our more limited sphere there are thinking, jus!, and philanthropic men, and to their judgment we fearlessly leave the matter.