COBDEN FOR ENGLAND? —OR ST. GEORGE? (From the "Spectator" April 17.)

New Zealander, Volume 8, Issue 670, 15 September 1852, Page 3

COBDEN FOR ENGLAND? — OR ST. GEORGE? (From the "Spectator " April 17.)

Either Mr. Colxlcn is not a real representation of the Englishman, or the Englishman has thoroughly altered, not only in his habits, but in his nature. It is important, just now, to he clear respecting the question, though it is a mere personality ; because by many people Mr. Cobden is regarded as a witness, and we ought to know the relation of the witness to that which he witnesseth; also because there id an impression that the party which is the most pushing dealer in the political market contemplates a partnership with Mr. Cobden. Opportunely enough, he has laid himself out for inspection, this week, at thcMarylcbonc Anti-Militia meeting. Ever since his exaltation by the good fortune of happening to remain at the head of the Anti-Corn-law movement, Mr. Cohdon has exhihited a mania for meddling with military mutters: he began it with his project of. financial reform ; he believes that he h<is had .somo .sucees-, ; ho is now improving the oppoi tunity uft/ordfd by the agitation of Mr. IS'icholaj', Mr. Charles Gilpin, and gentlemen of that connexion, against any Militia Bill ; and it is the kind ol argument which Mr. Cobden usos that will lie serviceahle to u.s in getting an insight into his mind as a .statesman and a native of this country. We do not say as an Englishman, because the very qucs

tion is, whether Jus disposition is typical or cx- ! ccptional. I it is characteristic of Hip Englishman, to sympathize with bravciy, especially when successful ; to be obstinate in admiration when admiiation bus once .set in ; and not to put ill constructions, still Jess degrading constructions, on the open conduct of men long respected. The- Duke of Wellington is just now the object of such generous sentiments. Mr. Cohden docs not share thorn — evidently does not feel them .so much as to know what they arc. lie sneaks of the Duke's age in conjunction with an allusion to "females and children"! He ascribes the Duke's steadfast anxiety on the subject of our national defence to a "childlike trcmourand alarm," which is " constantly spreading from the Horse Guards." The notion that the gentlemen at the Horse Guards are afraid is amusing ; but it is the only interpretation which Mr. Cobden can find for anxiety to keep our coast inviolate. We have no hesitation in deciding at once that such an impression is not the representative of Knglibh feeling, but the very revcisc of Knglish feeling. Mr. Cobdeu accepts, without qualification, as " perfect," Mr. Anderson's* project of a Marine Militia composed of our commercial steamers. Now, a marine force is totally incompatible with the notion of a militia, for obvious reasons. Any man can fight, and can acquire some sort of skill at it witli comparative ease ; but it requires long training to acquire nautical habits ; the apparatus for nautical action is cumbersome and costly, tfnd is constructed for special purposes. A militia at sea is exactly the converse idea of the " Horse Marines." The commendations which Mr. Cobden bestows upon it tell with equal force upon the plan and upon the critic. " These," lie says, "are not vessels that can afterwards be used aggressively," — and if not after- \ wards, how could they be used aggressively at all, or how used in fighting ??ew-aggressively 1 " If ten or fifteen thousand ragamuffins think of land- j ing on your shores, adopt the plan of Mr. Anderson ; which" — will repulse the invadcro, is it ' — not at all, but which, says Mi 1 . Cobdon, "supplies a most graceful kxcusk to the Government for withdrawing their Militia Bill." ''The pl.in ! I will not tend to demoralize your young men" — ' who.se mothers ought to know when they are out. So that "if yon want more defences, call out your Sea Militia." We know only one parallel to this ready presumption of preparedness and efficiency, and it is the demand of Billy Taylor^ " true love." " Straight she called for swords and pistols — Brought they vos at her command, And she fell on shooting; Billy Taylor Vitli his lady in hia hand." But Louis Naopoleon is no Billy Taylor, f.»Kc to his love and fatally chastised. Having formerly pointed out the reliance that Great Britain might have in the "honour" of French Generals and their forbearance, Mr. Cobden now discoveis all the virtues of the inscrutable in Louis Napoleon and the mystic vote of the Seven Millions. " Different conn tries," he says, " have different views of what constitutes freedom" — whence we infer that he conjcctur.illy descries a sort of freedom in the subjection of the thirty-eight millions of French! At all events, "it shows thore is something I am not a competent judge of ; and I treat the existing state of things with respect, as I cannot understand it!" How respectful, then, should he be to " the extsti rg state of things" in military and nautical affairs! Let us ask, however, il Mr. Cobden's view of sailorly requirements and qualities — if his respect for tyranny and subserviency, merely because they are unintelligible — are conditions of mind that exemplify the English character ? He reduces everything to the test of "pounds, shillings, and pence ;" he estimates the cost of national protection by the value of the thing protected, and tells us that the Xl 5,000,000 spent yearly in naval and military matters exceeds the aggregate rental of the four metropolitan counties, or the aggregate rental of manufacturing Lancashire and Yorkshire. What then I A commentator ascribes to disingenuousness, the omission to note distinctively the proportion that pught to be set off as expenditm-e on account of our foreign dependencies and stations ; hut we remember that Mr. Cobden lias before alluded to them, and in the most slighting manner. We ascribe the omission to his tendency to look at no more than one side of the question at once, especially if that be the commercial side. And even if the expenditure were all for England, what then? Ha property all that is worth defending 1 ? Should we grudge whatever is necessary to defend our hearths, our wives and families, our honour? In truth, as Mr. Cobden docs not sympathise with the maintenance of our position abroad, so neither does lie believe in invasions : lie who prophesied unbroken peace just before the outbreak of 1848, still trusts to French self-interest and French honour as the safeguard of England ! In that view he, is extravagantly unreasonable to sanction any expenditure at alt for military or naval purposes : let us abolish Militia, Army, Navy, Ordnance, all, and keep the money in our pockets — that should be Mr. Cobden's view. The more \so, as confessedly we have not t^ot that effective defence for which we have paid so largely: don't try to get it, he would seem to s ly ; but go without, and save the cash. But, taking him as he stands in his own words, is his estimate of all things by the rule of money the English view ? No ; and it is a mistake to suppose that the man who avows it, with all his ability, cither represents the English head or has any real, hold on the English heart. The mistaken estimate of Mr. Cobden's true position arises from an impression which is not improbable — that he represents the English trading class : but it is only a part even of that, and only a small part ;' for there are ruddy cheeks, still, and stout Hearts, behind many an English counter.