THE NEW SECRETARY FOR THE COLONIES.

New Zealander, Volume 8, Issue 661, 14 August 1852, Page 3

THE NEW SECRETARY FOR THE COLONIES.

The following are extracts from the speech of Sir John Pakington on his re-election for Droitwitch on the 4th March. "Gentlemen — The present parliament is now drawing to a close, and we have already had five sessions. During this session I think I may say, paying aside, of course, objects of comparatively .nferior interests^-I think I may saj that the hnatters which have heen of the greatest imporfc ance to the welfare of the country, which have Come from time to time under discussion before «s, have been the great distress and suffering of Our West India colonies — the great movement, the remarkable movement which was excited in t his country last ycav by the measures on the part of the Pope of Rome, which are commonly spoken of as the Papal aggression — and, thirdly, those proposals which have been made from time to time during the present parliament, in the hope, or with the attempt, I should rather say, to afford some relief to the agricultural classes of the country. I will first advert to. that subject which I have taken first in order ; and state here as I have stated elsewhere, that although the Act for the regulation of the sugar duties which was passed by her Majesty's late Government in the year 1846 attracted at the time comparatively little notice, on account of the great excitement which had just attended the repeal of the corn laws, in my humble judgment, no Act of the late Government was so reprehensible ; none has excited more just and general condemnation than that Act of 1840, by which the produce of slave-growing countries was admitted upon equal terms witli the produce of our own colonies into this country, and by which Act in the course of a short period of years, all protection to our own colonies was to be removed, comparatively with the produce of j slave-growing countries.' There is this peculiarity about this important question, and although not immediately interesting to this locality, I am aware it is a matter of such wide and extended public interest, that I am sure you will forgive me if, in the discharge of my duty, I advert to it. One peculiarity of this great question is, that although it does involve the question of protection to our colonies, it does not stand upon the same footing, with other questions pertaining to the interests of this country. There is this wide difference, that, with regard to the West Indies, theiiv produce, their interests are mixed up with that great policy of this country for a series of years to put down slavery and the slave trade. It is also mixed up with that great question of the emancipation of the slaves of our own colonies, which have given so peculiar a claim, so tender a regard for their interests on the part of the Government and the Legislature, until they are placed in such a position as will enable them to compete with the slave produce. The result of that unfortunate Act was precisely what its opponents had predicted. I now come to the present parliament — that Act was passed in the late parliament. But in 1848, so great was the distress of the Colonies of the British Crown that in that year their interests formed a most important and pressing subject for the discussion of the Legislature. It was not my good fortune to be connected with that truly noble man, Lord George Bentinck to unite with him in an attempt to alleviate their sufferings : and I cannot advert to the name of Lord George Bentinck without expressing my deep sorrow, tliat with his singleness of purpose, Jiis wonderful energy, his capacity for knowledge, and, above all, his noble patriotism, he is not now spared to us to devote his noble nature to the service of his Sovereign and his country. In conjunction with that truly noble man I served upon a committee, which he conducted with an energy and an ability I believe without precedent even in the House of Commons. At the close of that committee I found it to be my duty to press upon the House of Commons a motion for extending relief to these suffering colonies. In consequence, gentlemen, of the distinction I have already pointed out to you with regard to the circumstances connected with slavery preventing this question from coming within the ordinary category 1 of a freetrade question, I was supported in that motion by a number of gentlemen who are devoted Free-Tra-ders — by a majority of the cabinet of the late Sir Robert Peel — by very many who had advocated free trade in corn, and in the general commercial transactions of this country. They were so impressed with the injustice to the West Indies— with the extent to which the honour and character ♦of England was) compromised by the declaration of our steady endeavours to put an end to the horrors of the slave trade that I received the support of a majority of the cabinet of the late Sir Robert Peel, I received the support of many who were devoted to the principles of free trade, and it was only by a narrow majority of 15 that her Majesty's ministers escaped defeat on the occasion. But, although the majority was against me, I beg to remind you that her Majesty's Government was obliged to give way upon the question — was obliged to alter the Act of 1846, and postpone the period at which, the duties would he equalised to 1851. Gentlemen, ftt a subsequent period of Parliament — 1850 — it was again .my duty to take a part in the discussions on this important question, and again, I had the support of a majority of the cabinet of the late Sir Robert Peel. Again I waa beaten by a larger, but not a large, majority on tins great question, so vital in my mind to the bonour of this country and the interests of the suffering colonies — so still exciting to the people of this country ; and this injury is still the subject of the loudest complaints by those who either take an interest in the welfare of the colonists or are anxious for the honour and chararter of this country, as identified with the suppression of the slave trade. ****♦'♦ " I have been charged with presumption in accepting office. I tell you frankly — and I beg of you to believe (hat it was with no light or presumptious feeling that I have ventured to accept that office — I know tbe arduous nature of its duties» and tbe deep responsibilities attached to it, and I am conscious bow little fitted I am to undertake them. The circumstances under winch tbe pioposal was made to me were such that, consistently with my sense of public duty, I had no option. This, I can assuie you, gentlemen, that I ■prill do mj- best. I know the difficulties of my Situation — I know the vast and extensive aft'.urs to which I am called upon to direct my attention. My best faculties will be addressed to those duties. A deep and thorough admhation and conviction of the noble and just sentiments enunciated by my noble fuend die Earl of Dei by, that the affaiis ot kingdoms are ever superintended by an overruling Providence will a-siat me. 1 shall at least, honestly endeavour to discharge my duty, and with the blessing of God, bo lons as I have stiengih 1 shall with hone.-ty of purpose and integnty of intention address mybelf to the conscientious discharge of the duties I have undfi taken. My prayer is, lhat •o long as the present minister's are in power, England in its honour and iutete'-ts may sufler no detriment, and while 1 hold my piesent poMtioD my hope is, that I may he enabled to li-avts tbe colouies to my succes-or uot injured or impaired, but at leut-t as piospcious, if not moie &o, than the condition in which J found tLen."