THE LAST FRENCH CONSTITUTION. DEVELOPMENT OF NAPOLEONISM. (From the 'Watchman,' January 7.)
There is a new-year's gift that just now is (he most remarkable thing in Europe. Fragile, of course, and merely for the time, like all things going — from the hangings of (he Church up (o ihe Consultative Commission — \sc must look at it at once, or it will vanish, bubble as i( is, blown up from a preKy stiff compound, yet but a bubble alter all. So far as we understand it, the constitution given by Louis Napoleon to his seven millions, in return for their confidence, is to be such as this : — Universal Suffrage, affording a broad basis whereon he may slay himself morely securely, by tampering with the masses, as usual. And to this c ' people," invidiously so called, he means (o sacrifice every intermediate interest, and to renew his appeals, even to (hem — so long as (he game can be continued — whenever it shall seem expedient. A Council of Slate, created by himself, and entirely at his service, will prepare all projects of law, and see them carried through the forms of legislation. After this, "the Senate" consisting of eighty members, also nominated by himself, and that for life, but removable whenever they shall presume to thwart the purposes or moderate the policy of his Majesty. Their function shall be to vote organic laws, but not to meddle with details of finance. They will not be troubled with much business, nor will they give much (rouble. A Chamber of Representatives, being the only body elected, and sent up by universal suffrage for five years, will be understood to represent the interests of the prolclaires. There are to be from 565 to 575 members. However, it is not likely that France will often repeat Bonapartist elections, even under coercion, or coercion may not be at hand to enforce election. Already it is intimated that the old project of carrying the frontier to the Rhine, over the Netherlands, will be resumed ; and if this imitation of the first Bonaparte is to be wrought out in a European war, it might not be so easy to fight abroad, and to control the votes. To guard, therefore, against numerous contingencies that might arise, and to prevent the fickle population from unmaking the man whom they have made, (he President shall have the privilege of dissolving the said Chamber whenever he thinks fit, and especially if they should emit a vole adverse to his pleasure. In case of such a dissolution, (here shall be no more Parliament for the space of 12 months, at least, during which time the country may be brought back into submission by the extraordinary powers of the Autocrat, aided, perhaps, by his Imperial brethren of St. Petersburgh and Vienna, if their lielp be needed to humble Paris, as if it were Buda-Peslh. As for the sinews-of-war, they musl never be lacking, and threfore it is provided that the Senate may grant supplies if the Representatives refuse. The Minister of S(ale will not have to condescend to the drudgery of Parliamentary debate : that would be a superfluous labour, not necessary to keep the wheels of Stale in motion, and must never be resorted to except in the Council and Senate, for the enactment of anything beyond a fiscal regulation, and is by no means necessary even for that. Furthermore, the man of seven millions decrees that henceforth there shall be no public mind in France — such a thing as public opinion is to be utterly eschewed. No audience may be present at any deliberations of the Representatives, except that a maximum of fifty tickets may be vouchsafed to so many persons of confidence — not by any means including a reporter for the press. Newspapers, being a mischievous innovation of later limes, are to be prohibited from dealing in such high matters as politics ; and all, with the single exception of the Moniteur, are to keep rcverenlial silence in regard to any question that might be mooted in the regions of Legislature, or Executive, or Police, or Army, or Church. No grave points of morals or of policy, nor any article of faith, nor any misdemeanour of a public servant, is henceforth to be profanely treated by the pen of a public writer. Nothing, therefore, can excel in beauty the ideal of this new Republic. Plato was but a simpleton in comparison with Prince Louis Napoleon : the Greek would have governed his Republic with moral discipline, but the wiser Frenchman choses military. The fruit of this wisdom will be, of course, apparent. Fiance will be at peace : the natural restlessness of that people will subside as soon as they be plunged into blissful ignorance and sweet submission. — The world will see, within another 20 days, the creation of a normal Stale, worthy of universal imitation, and will marvel. The Sovereign of France will have nothing to do but to enlarge his borders ; his sentries shall stand along the Rhine, northward. Netherlands and Alpine Cantons will vanish ; his hosts shall cross the Bidasoa, as aforetime. Bessarabia shall shout for joy. There shall be no more Pyrenees. From Marseilles to Cadiz he will fortify his ports, and keep watch over the colonists in Africa. The Holy Father shall still be hostage at Rome for the good behaviour of the Church. The world trembles, once more, at the name of Bonaparte. And while his name is terrible abroad, it shall he music in the cars of his obedient vassals at home. He only demands absolute obedience, and for this will satisfy their utmost yearnings. His uncle aimed at the same glory, and failed, H musl be acknowledged; but he, 100, will try, if he can but get the opportunity. For this he offers France the Constitution of dBo2 — a precious New- Year's gift, most fitly given, as the year begins. Filly, because another will certainly be wanted for 1855.
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New Zealander, Volume 8, Issue 643, 12 June 1852, Page 4
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989THE LAST FRENCH CONSTITUTION. DEVELOPMENT OF NAPOLEONISM. (From the 'Watchman,' January 7.) New Zealander, Volume 8, Issue 643, 12 June 1852, Page 4
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