THE PROSPECTS OF EUROPE. [From the Illustrated London News, December 20.]

New Zealander, Volume 8, Issue 630, 28 April 1852, Page 3

THE PROSPECTS OF EUROPE. [From the Illustrated London News, December 20.]

" Order" reigns in Paris. The sword and the cannon have superseded all other modes of government among our polite and versatile neighbours. An iron tyrauny, without parallel in European history, has succeeded to the conflict of opinion which has raged since February, 1848. Liberty is defunct. Fraternity has no representative between Boulogne and Marseilles, unless a fierce dragoon with a sword at the throat of an unoffending citizfin can be deemed its personification. Equality, it is true, exists, but it is an equality of degradation. High perched in his impenetrable coolness, the Dictator of Fx'ance looks down upon a whole nation, wherein he can recognise but two classes — an army which is his instrument of coercion, and a multitude which it is his pleasure or his necessity to coerce. Until the votes of the people give something like a legal sanction to the existence of the de facto Government, martial law will be the only law throughout France. All other law is superseded ; and neither opinion, nor property, nor life has any chance of existence if it presume to thwart the wishes and designs of the new Autocrat. We state the fact thus broadly, because, in considering the very serious question of its result upon Europe and upon ourselves, it is necessaiy that the true position of affairs among our neighbours should be clearly understood and acknowledged. The revolution wrought by the unconquerable energy and adamantine sword of M. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte is a marvellous but most indubitable " great fact." He is the absolute lord and master, for the time being, of the destinies of France. The elections that close this day, of which we shall not know the details for some time, cannot possibly alter the position. The French have no liberty of choice : Louis Napoleon is before them ; and if they did not please to accept him by their votes, they would be compelled to endure him by another and equally effective process. lie is the most illustrious and powerful pis aller of whom we have any record in history or experience. Even those who hate him are compelled to give him their suffrage, lest in opposing him they should prepare the way for calamities which are more dreadful than the worst they can conjure before their minds as likely to result from a military despotism. " Better," they say, " a strait jacket than a total colnpse." Better even the treadwheel and the silent system than a gangrenous dissolution of the whole body politic. Such being the feeling among the French themselves — of which the able letter of the Count dc Montalcinbert is a most remaikable and significant proof — it is useless for public writers in another country to discuss any longer the real or supposed necefehities of the case, or to waste their time in any further criticism of the manner in which the revolution was wrought. The thing, it appears, had to be done — and ifc was done. The wheel has turned, as it has turned before ; but out of (lie abuse of liberty by a people, loving liberty buL not comprehending it, has sprung a military t)i\mny. Jt is nothing but the old story — the often-predicted and preealculatcd result. As things weie in former times, so are they now. Like bi'geU like ; and politics, shifting and changeful as they may appear to tho,e who take a too clo&e view of them, are us certain as aU>obva, when the past 'a, called in to be the coinuieiJlary

upon tlio present, ami when the mind is enabled to grasp, not, simply the events of to day, ljut the causes which have been combining to produce them for generations or for centuries. Taking the new revolution as it stands, and as it is likely to stand, and dismissing from our minds all further concern about the motives which produced it, or upon the manner in which it was wrought, it is of* the most serious consequence to us, the nearest neighbours of France, to know how it is likely to affect France in her relations with the rest of Europe and with ourselves. The success of M. Bonaparte takes France out of the alliance and brotherhood of constitutional states. At the present moment liberty is crushed among the whole of the greatest and most powei'ful nations of the Continent. Belgium, that enjoys freedom of opinion under a wise King, is so weak that her independence is already threatened by the French. In obedience to despotic commands, which she does not deem it prudent to resist, she has refused a refuge within her territories to the fugitives and exiles from France who have been driven out by recent events ; and Switzerland, still weaker, has submitted to the same humiliation at the same hands. The bayonet is lord of the ascendant. The four most powerful chiefs in Europe have among them an army ready for the field of upwards of one million and a half of men. Russia, Austria, Prussia, and France, those military and absolutist states, will not tolerate, one more than the other, tho expression of a free opinion, or acknowledge any right in the industrious multitudes, by the spoliation and tyrannous taxation of whom they are alone enabled to support those fearful armaments, to have the slightest voice in the management of their own alFairs. Will France, identical in her new principles of government with these states, join their league? Or will she play the absolutist for her own purposes at home, without making common cause with them in their efforts to crush constitutional liberty in other parts of Europe ? These are the questions which profoundly move the minds of all thinking men at the present time. They deeply affect tho English people, and deserve to be con • sidered under every possible aspect. In the first place, as we stated last week, it may turn out to be the policy of the new Autocrat of France to hold aloof from the other Autocrats of Europe — to be a tyrant at home, but with the hope of aggrandisement at the expense of his neighbours, to play the part of the apostle of freedom abroad. In this case what would result? Bella, horrida bella! Italy and Switzerland, if not Belgium, would be the points on which aggression would be made, and Europe would be involved in a war, in which, although such sovereigns as the King of Prussia, the Emperor of Austria, and the Czar might be arrayed against France, France might reckon on the temporary support of the sorely deluded, defrauded, and insulted Germans, and of the still more cruelly oppressed Italians and Hungarians. This would be the great war of principles, foreseen by the most eminent statesmen and philosophers half a century ago, but of which no human sagacity could estimate the frightful cost, or the moie frightful duration. Let us hope that so dreadful a calamity may be averted. In the second place, M. Louis Napoleon, admitted into the circle of absolutism, and acting in a manner that must have given the greatest satisfaction to the powerful sovereigns whose policy he has adopted, may ally himself more intimately with them, and make common cause with them against the liberties of Europe. In that case, England will be the only representative of constitutional principles and rational freedom in this hemisphere ; and, as England is exposed to the rancorous reminiscences of the war that closed with Waterloo — reminiscences which unhappily a large portion of tho dominant military classes in France make it a point of almost religious duty to keep constantly before their minds — it is not likely, if such a league were once formed, that England would long escape the hostilities of states against whose oppressions and exactions her own form of government would be not only a continual protest, but among whose populations it would be a ceaseless incentive to imitation. Should such a combination take place, the perils and responsibilities of England would be great. But great also would be her allies. She would not be al lowed to fight the battle single-handed. Did her own pith and energy not stand her in sufficient stead, had she no allies in the other hemisphere, who, in such a cause and to gain a voice in European politics, would rubh to her rescue, she would have the aid of several more potent, if not invincible auxiliaries in Europe, {[Russian gold, plentiful as it may be, would not prevent or even postpone for any lengthened period the bankruptcy that would involve Prussia, Austria, and France. Soldiers without pay would degenerate into banditti, and the people, who in such a day would lift their long oppressed heads, would read their rulers a lesson, and establish upon the ruin caused by the military system the constitutional freedom for which in every part of Europe, with the sole exception of Russia, they are now yearning with an intensity which has shown itself in revolutions, and attempted revolutions, for the last half-century. In such a contingency the course to be pursued by England might be painful, but it would be clear. If not allowed to prosper in her own way, and to mind her own affairs, she would only have to hoist the standard of constitutional freedom, and the nations of the earth would flock around it. Even in France, that loves liberty so fondly but so foolishly, a large section of the people would take heart of grace once more, and, in spite of Waterloo, would endeavour — possibly not without success — to cast oil the yoke of the last of the despots, and try once again the feasibility of a moderate, or perhaps immoderate. Republic. But this, also, would be the great war of principles-, fought, it is true, under a nobler and holier standard than could be raised by the ambition of a. Bonaparte, or by the desire of national aggrandisement which may animate the French ; but it would, nevertheless, be a deploraMe war to be engaged in — a war that might desolate the world for a generation, and entail sacrifices unparalleled in history. England most assuredly has every motive to avoid being involved in it. But there is a third solution of the difficulties of Europe. Although despotism supported by a soldiery must give its soldiers something to do, it is possible that M. Louis Napoleon may have a sincere desire to make his name illustrious for evermore, by re-consolidating the liberties which he has temporarily overthrown, and by building up a fabric of material glory and prosperity for the French people. It is possible that, feeling himself secure, he may endeavour to be a statesman as well as a soldier ; that he may do his best to develop the natural resources of France, hitherto too much neglected ; that he may strive to secure for her ingenious artisans a fair free field for the exercise of their skill and industry ; that he may think it his paramount duty to make France wealthy, to extend her manufactures her railways, and her trade ; and that, instead of looking for aggrandisement of territory, or influence at the expense of Europe, he may employ and reward a portion of his armies in other quarters, and turn the tide of his arms against the semi-barbarous nations of the Mediterranean seaboard of Africa, where France has already secured a permanent footing. The recent attack upon Salce, and the remembrance of Mogndoi, and the pride attached to it in the minds of the French, show where the safety-valve lies. The development of French industry and trade, the gradual relaxation of the existing tyranny, the restoration of tho liberty of the press, peace with Europe, and a quarrel with the Emperor of Morocco, would, to use a phrase that our Gallic neighbours understand, be an excellent parte. As fiir as Europe is concerned, it would be unexceptionable. We hive thus briefly sketched *ouk i of th-jmc-t ob\ioi'i danger* to England uuJ to Europe ru-

suiting from the singular turn which events have taken in France, and pointed out some of the solutions which are not improbable. We have, perhaps, attributed more stability to the throne or chair (whichever if; may be) of M. Louis Napoleon than it will attain ; but the chances for the picseiU are so decidedly in his favour, that any speculations founded r.pon the o'sei'throw of hi-; power would be irrelevant. Among many contingencies we ought most certainly not to forget, that after all Louis Napoleon may prove himself as wise as ho has been bold ; that his first perjury may be his last ; and that he may desire to retain by his justice and his what he has conquered by his daring. We fear, however, that this is hoping too much. The Britannia. The most inveterate 1 of the enemies of Napoleon do not deny that in Paris ho is certain of his election, through an overwhelming majority, and in the departments there is still less chance of an adverse vote. The widely -circulated opinions of the Count de Montalembert, whose earnest and clever letter lias dispelled the doubts of wavering millions, will secure for the President the support of the Roman Catholics of France. The arguments that he advances are unanswerable, The insurgents throughout the country, who have openly risen aaainst the policy of Napoleon, are neither Legitimists, Orleanists, or conscientious Republicans. They are fiends in the human shape, Socialists and Communists, the enemies of God and man, who, under the hypocritical pretext of resistance to tyranny, have committed every species of crime. They have murdered, pillaged, and plundered wherever they have found towns, villages, and hamlets defenceless, and in the brutal gratification of their sensual appetites, they have respected neither age nor sex. If anything could justify the President in the illegal course that he has pursued, it is the character and the crimes of those who have resisted his authority. To vote against the dictatorship of the Prince would be to withdraw the national support from the only man who has the power to rescue France from anarchy and ruin ; it would be to abandon her to the tender mercies of the terrorists who have attacked her. It is""not without cause that Montalembert and the Legitimists raise their voices in favour of Napoleon as the only security against so fatal an alternative. We are no friends to the Napoleon dynasty, and in the distant future we discover, no refuge for France from perpetual revolution except an unanimous and faithful renewal of her allegiance to her legitimate princes. But the hour for this happy consummation has not yet arrived. France must pass through many a fearful phase of chance and of change before the representative of St. Louis can hope to "be de facto as he is dejnre king. Meanwhile Montalembert and the Royalists do well and wisely to accept the man of the time. He stands with his army between civilized society and the violators of all laws human and divine. He shields the peaceful, honest, and thriving citizen from the noonday murderer and the midnight assassin, from the plunderer and the ravisher. Already we have seen the effects of his vigorous policy in the restoration of public confidence, in the reviving prosperity of commerce, and in the increasing activity of the industrial classes. The French funds, notwithstanding the disturbances in the provinces, keep steadily above par, and are in this respect a cheering contrast to their state of depression consequent upon the Red Revolution of 1848, when they sank above fifty per cent. From Rouen, Havre, Lille, and Lyons, the accounts are most satisfactory, the prices of produce are rising, the workmen are everywhere employed, and the sales steadily increasing. These are facts which speak for themselves. Montalembert may support the President on Jesuitical grounds, and Legitimists, though liatino his name, may cling to him in the hope that in him France will once more recognkc ■ the principle of monarchical government. It ! matters not upon what pretexts the different shades of politicians may vote in his favour. X they do but secure his election, France at this crisis must benefit by the consolidation of his power.

! Mr. Ha wes and Mr. Frederiok Peel. — The Times makes the following remarks upon the resignation of Mr. Ilawcs, the Under-Secretary for "the Colonies :—": — " The Right Hon. Lawrence Sullivan, after serving his country with credit for more than forty years, has retired with a pension from the place of Deputy Secretary-at-War, and into that peaceful haven has retired, from the storms of the Colonial-office, that most excellent and amiable gentleman Mr. Benjamin Hawes. We are quite sure that the public in general, whatever their opinions, and whether they have colonial property or not, will rejoice to hear that a man of exemplary good temper, so strong a sense of duty, and &uch unwearied diligence, has effected his escape out of purgatory, rather sooner, perhaps, than any member of the Colonial-office had a right to expect. In his present po&ition he will bo 'able to effect important administrative reforms, without raising the ghosts of a Candian dynasty, without bringing down on the unfortunate colonists the vengeance of Ileki, or Sandilli, without throwing a tropical Legislature into a state of permanent revolt, or meeting in every street the haggard and threadbare victims of an inconsistent philanthropy. Mr. Hawes has our heartiest congratulation on his escape from the combined operation of fifty plagues — for that is somewhere about the number of our colonies. Mr. llawcs' successor in the Colonialoffice, is Mr. Frederick Peel, who thus enters office much as his father did before him, with some little difference to bo smoothed over between him and his colleagues. That difference in this instance is one more of association than feeling or opinion. No point can be mentioned tliat avo are aware of in which Mr. F. Peel, inheriting as we suppose him to do, the political views of his father in their latest stage of dcvclopcment, is not perfectly at accord with Her Majesty's present advisers. The memory of the parent will impart to this change the appearance of a coalition ; and if there be a Peel party, and Mr. F. Peel is at its head, a coalition which rather sets the seal on the past than throws any light on the future. In following his roughshod rider in the Colonialoffice, Mr. Frederick Peel will have little spare strength or time to revert to the great questions that divide party from party. As the only chance permitted to the unfortunate colonies, and the only bit of new blood introduced into a Government which has done nothing hitherto but breed in and in, we beg to tender to Mr. F. Peel our very best wishes, praying in particular, that he may be more successful than his predecessors for the last fifty years."