LATE ENGLISH NEWS.

New Zealander, Volume 7, Issue 584, 19 November 1851, Page 3

LATE ENGLISH NEWS.

(From the Spectator, June 28 ) The House of Loids lias been tolerably busy this week. A useful measure, the Registration of Assurances Bill, has been passed through all its stages ; leave has been given to Lord Redesdale to introduce a bill, much needed, to regulate the election of Scotch Peers ; and Lord Truro has brought in a bill to establish a permanent Commission for the supervision of Charitable Trusts. The Chancellor's plan elicited expressions of approbation fiom Lords Brougham and Stanley, and deserved them. One great fault of Lord Cottenham's bill was, that it constituted the Commission a special tribunal, or nest of tribunals, with jurisdiction in all cases of abuse in charitable trusts ; Lord Truro's confines their functions to investigation. When a case of abuse is made out to their conviction, they are to hand the matter orer to the Law Officers of the Crown; and the legal proceedings are to be instituted, when the charities exceed a certain sum, in the Court of Chancery — when below it, the agency of the County Courts is to bo employed. Independently of its own merits, therefore, the bill is recommended by being so framed as to recognise and extend the usefulness of the County Courts, and to take advantage of the increased strength proposed to be imparted to the Court of Chancery. It shows that the advancement of law reform has assumed a systematic shape in the Legislature. It is true, as Lord Stanley remarked, that the bill has been introduced at so late a period of the session that it is likely to be dropped in the Commons on the plea of pressure of other business; and it is also true that it might have been introduced on the first day of the session as easily as now, had the Chancellor done his duty. The improved Chancery Reform measure might also have been introduced months ago, and in the House of Lords ; where the indefatigable Lyndhurst reminded their Lordships this week, regard to their privileges ought to have made it to originate. The activity of Ministerial Law Reformers is rather late in the day to wairant any sanguine anticipation of much fruit this year; but the Chancery Refoim Bill, which has been licked into a respectable shape, and the Charitable Trusts Bill, tending as they mutually do, to enhance each other's utility and extend the benefits of the County Courts, should they unfortunately be allowed to fall through this session, can be resumed next year, as soon as Parliament meets. In "the other place," the Chancery Reform and Jews Bill have each been advanced a stage, sub silentio. The dreary discussion on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill has made such progress that there is now a prospect of its reaching the Lords this session. The St. Albans Bribery Commission Bill has been read a thiid time. The Protectionists appear to be struggling between a conviction that their honour required they should have another field day before the close of the session, and their sense that they have no available battle-field. Mr. Herries, witii philosophical equanimity, submits to repeated postponementi of his motion on the Navigation Laws; and Mr. Disraeli has found it very difficult to show that his motion on the financial resolutions he is to move on Monday next means anything. The Scotch Educational Reformers in the House of Commons appear destined to approach as near to victory as it is possible to rio without achieving it. Lord Mdgund's Education Bill was rejected by a narrow majority, and Mr. Cowan's for abolishing Religioui Tests in the Scotch Universities was thrown out only by a majority of ono. This is tantalising, and, considering that Ministers profess to approve of both measures, not quite intelligible. Mr. Bouvene has given notice of no fewer than four bills, and other memben have also measures to introduce ; for what purpose it is difficult to imagine, seeing that Ministers are shelving one of their bills after another. Lord John Russell has given the House to understand pretty clearly that the Woods and Forests Bill is not to be pressed this session.

The Bishop of Exeter's Parliament — the Diocesan Synod — has made a respectable coinmenopinent. Altogether 111 members weie present; of the sixty elected metnbeis only two failed to attend. The scene is described as very imposing ; the aged Bishop was anayed in his full vestment, with the clergy in their surplices ; an. earnest and dignified aspect of moderation pervaded the meeting. So far as has yet tianspired, the deliberations of the Synod hare been marked by a^ singular unanimity of sentiment and opinion. The Bishop in his opening address took high ground ; le-asseiting the entire independence of each diocesan chuich and Us completeness within itself, and also the interpretation he has uniformly put upon the declarations lespcctmg baptism contained in the Church's standaid". Yet it is not ea^y to see what practical good can come from any resolutions the Synod may adopt. The Bishop's episcopal brethren stand aloof, and the great body of the

laity are avowedly npposi >> t» vim. Should Lord Redesdale's motion in t!ir )\- > .>t Peers next wook, for the revival of Con' .< itiou, js successful, the icsolves of one diocesan ' j.ably must necebsaulv givo way to the judgment of the whole chinch. It is, however, to be feared that the time has oono by when either the High Church party 01 tho Low Church piity would submit the decibions of tho questions at lsbiie between them to the Convocation. Any attempt to obtain an authoritative judgment oa those questions would m all piobuhility only accelerate disui|ition. The Church, it would appear, can best be kept togothor liy preventing its doctoifa from meeting in council: aud even though Government and tho Legislatuie, by Kwping thorn asunder, prevent their 301113 to loggerluuuK, the proceedings of the Exeter Sjnod may introduce the wedgo that is ultimately to rend the Chuich.

The Greenwich electors have sent another q-entleman of the Jewish persuasion to keep Baron Rothschild company in the lobby of the Ilou^e of Commons. The cl.uins or no-claims' of Air. Salomons and Mr. Wire seemed bo equally biUnc«l, that little interest was taken in their contest at Greenwich. But an opinion was expressed, that tbo constituency is of sufficient impoitance to encitle it to look for representatives of higher maik than pithci. In the other metropolitan constituencies), too, a notion appeals to be gaiuing ground, that tlw quality of the r agaiogate lepiesentativos is not very lng;h, and is, n an} thing-, deteriorating. The justice of such a notum can scarcely be denied; yet it may be doubted whether this conviction will lead to any action on the part of the metropolitan constituents' loo'u-m .1 hotter class of repicsentatives. In most cases, „ >nstituencies, like Lidu-s , will wait to be wooed. The men best qualified for the woik of legislation are too apt to imagine that it is dignified to wait till they be asked to come forwaul. Tins is a mischievous euoi,foi itlea\O3 the field open to mfeiior men. Mr. Roebuck and Colonel Thompson have not lowered themselves by their frank avowals of a wish to get into Parliament ; and lnen like Mr. O'Connor and Mr. George Thompson — to say nothing- of some leading politicians of the official class — are indebted foi their seats solely to the unrelnxing indu<Uiy with winch they have obtiudod their claims upon public notice.

The proceedings of the Committee of Revision in (he National Assembly pos&PSH ;\t present more interest than n»y other Frencli political events. Contiary to general expectation that Odillon J3arrot would be named reporter, JM. de Tocquevjlle has been chosen, by 8 votes to .), M. Banot receiving; ouly two of the minority votes. Thia is accepted as an indication that tho revision of the Constitution to be lecommended by the Committee will aim at the porpptu.ition of the republic. A preliminary resolution of M. do Broghe leaves it open to the Committee to repoit in favoui of a chansre to monaicliy; but tbis is undeistood to be only a verbal

concession to the Legitimists. But the truth is, that the question really at issue is not whether ihe existing lorm of government in Fiance shall be modified, but whether Louis Napoleon shall be dcclnied capable of re-election at the expiry of Ins teim of office. It is a personal not a constitutional question. The line of argument followed by M. de Broghe and the other speakers shows that the presidential election alone is uppermost in their mind. The time may come when a revision of the Constitution, or even an enure change of it, will be felt to be necessary; and when that is the case it will be accomplished; but what is now going on is mere electioneering. The only levtsion that will be attempted -will be such a modification of one article of the Constitution as may obviate the possibihtv of any opposition to the re-election of the present President on a technical legal objection. The absence of any other candidate, strongly supported, favours the ambition of Louis Napoleon ; but the enthusiastic unanimity with which he was originally elected has disappeared. It is perfectly understood that revision of the constitution means his re-election : all the Government agencies in the provinces have been set in motion to promote petitions to the Assembly for revision ; and yet it is supposed that the number of signatures to these petitions will not exceed a million. The Prussian Government is the Whig paity of Germany. >,ii.o the Whigs, it affects to hold the balance Vlv <«n Anstociacy and Democracy, or Confaei vatism ana Pi ogress ; like the Whigs, it is notoiious foi the facility with which it abandons its mostfavouiite projects on the least show of opposition. The last ingenious device of the Pius'uan Government was the permanent resuscitation of the Piovincial Diets. The functions of these bodips h.ul br>en supeisulod by the Legislative Chambers; the Cabiuet at Beilm fiatteied itself that by reviving them it might be enabled to carry on the business of administration without the aid of the Chambers, and allow them to fell into disuse. But the parties in opposition to Government — both Conservative and Movement — took alarm in time, and Frederick William and bis counsellors have relinquished their project, as they Lave in turn relinquished every pioject that they have entertained since Match, IMB. The embarrassments ausiug out of the Schleswigllolstein question present no symptoms of abatement. Th« Assembly of Notables convened at Flensbuig by the King of Denmaik, though carefully packed, has proved intractable, and a change of ministry is confidently anticipated. Tho measure proposed to be forced upon them was the selection of the Duke of Gliicksberg, a child of seven years, as heir to all tho tenitones now pertaining to the Danish Ciown. Even the most staunch royalists shiank from the risk of a regency in the actual chaotic state of Danish internal politics; and, what was of more weight at court, the cautious cabinet of Fiuss>a hesitated to adopt this Austrian plan. Tho ultimate fate of the Duchies therefore remains still unceitain; and also the more important questions of the definitive settlement of the German and Danish frontier, and the ascendency of the Prussian or Austrian policy in, this matter in tho councils of Germany.