IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—Monday, February 24. The Ministerial Crisis.

New Zealander, Volume 7, Issue 550, 23 July 1851, Page 2

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.— Monday, February 24. The Ministerial Crisis.

The Marquis of Lansdowne having laid upon the ta- ; ble the Report of the Metropolitan Commission of : Seweis, proceeded to say, —My Lords, as there is no business before the House, I may as well at once take \ this opportunity of moving that this House, at its rising, do .adjourn to Friday next. In making that motion, I feel that however imperfect and insufficient any com- ! munication which it is in my power to make will bo I found to be, relating to the present posture of affairs, it is due to this House that any information given, or communication made upon that subject to the other House of Parliament, should in substance be made to this I House. (Hear.) But in doing sol shall confine myj self simply to the statement of iho facts as I understand ; them. (Hoar.) My Loids, on Fiiday last, in conset quence of divisions which had recently taken place in the other House of Parliament her Majesty's servants communicated with each other —from domestic circumstances I was not one of the persons communicated with on that occasion —and on that day her Majesty was led to believe that it was probable that her serrauts ohould resign on the clay following. (Hoar.) Eailyon Saturday morning I came to town, and that resignation was lesppctlully and unanimously tendered by her MaI jesiy's servants to her Majesty. (Hear.) In the course of the same day the noble lord whom I see prej sent (Lord Stanley) was, as I am informed, invited to attend at the Palace, and a proposal wds made ro him to construct a Government. (Hear.) lam informed that the noble lord stated lie was not prepared to form one. (Hear.) On that communication being made, recourse was had to other persons, and more particularly to my noble friend lately at the head of the Government, ; and he was requested to re-construct an Administration. (Hear.) My lords, this is the present state of tilings, and all that it is in my power to state to your lordships ' is —that my noble friend lately at the head of the Government has, on reflection, thought it to be his duty towards her Majesty, and towards the public, to attempt the re-construction of another Cabinet. (Hear.) Beyond this I have nothing to say. I speak as tbo organ t of a Government which, in fact, exists no longer —a Government which is, in fact, nominal only; and of which 1 am the representative here as long as it remains nominally in office, and for the purpose of making the communication. (Hear.) I LonD Stanley —My Lords, after what bas been said by the noble IMarquis opposite, none of your lordships, lam sure, will be disposed to offer any opposition to I the pioposal he has made, that the House should either j adjourn to a later day, or at least that no public business should be introduced. (Hear.) My Lords, I am exceedingly unwilling, and will not attempt to make any comment upon the statement of the noble marquis. j (Hear.) Situated as the country is now, it is impossible that a complete revelation should be made of what has occurred, and in this state of things I don't hold it ! to be consistent with my duty to offer an explanation that must necessaiily be incomplete, and of an imperfect character. (Hear.)" On Saturday I bad the honour of a lengthened audience from her Majesty, at which I laid before her Majesty, fully and unreservedly, the I whole of my views on the present state in which the ! country and parties are. Nothing could exceed the graciousness and condescension, and if I may use the word, ] the kindness of her Majesty throughout the whole of that audience; but of what passed at that intervew — either the advice I tendered, or what was said by her Majesty —at the present moment I think I would ill requite the confidence and favour with which I was honoured, if I were to say a single word, (Hear,) My Lords, wheu the time shall have come, and this politi- ] cal crisis shall have passed, I shall be prepared to state | fully and unreservedly to your Lordships and to the country, the whole substance of the advice I tendered, and the course which, as a public man, honoured with the confidence of her Majesty, and as a privy councillor of her Majesty, I felt it my duty on that occasion to j pursue. (Hear.) The Marquis of Lansdowne. —After the forbearance which the noble lord has exercised, it would unquestionably be improper to deprive him of the opportunity of fully and fanly stating what has passed, when the convenient time for doing so shall arrive, in the way which he shall judge most fitting for his honour, and most conducive to the public good. (Hear.) In the mean time all I beg of your loidships is, to t believe that I have, in the very short statement 1 made, said nothing but that of which I was distinctly informed. (Hear.) A Select Committee on the Administration of Criminal Justice Bill was appointed, aud their Lordships adjourned.

House op Commons. —Monday, FcimuAnY 24. At precisely five minutes before five o'clock Lord John Russell entered the House, and as he advanced towards the table, and took his accustomed seat, he was received with somewhat faint cheering. ! The Speaker then called on the Clerk at the table to read the oiders of the day. Loid John Russcli rose and said :—" I promised the House that 1 should on tins day state the reasons that induced ,ne to propose on Friday the adjournment of the Committee of Ways and Means to the present time. I now rise to acquit myself ol that engagement. The House will remember that, immediately after the commencement of the session, a motion was made by the honorable gentleman the member lor Buckinghamshire, calling upon her Majesty's mmisteis to take immediate measures for the relief of the distress of the owners and occupiers of land. Every member of this House and evoiy peison in the country must have con.sideied that that motion a motion to take out of the h.mds of the Govprnraont the conduct of any measure which they might feol it their duly to propose. The lion, gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire, took

a perfectly Parliamentary course on that subject ; and I do not in tbe slightest degiee complain of llie course he took ; hut I state what would havo been the effect, in the view of every one, if that motion had hern successful. No less than 269 members of this House voted for that motion, and 2«3 -against it. There was, therefore, a majority of those present in tho House of 14 membeib. Now, sir, with a question of that kind, brought forward in hostility to the Government, at the very conmencement ot the Session, and when the Chancellor of the Exchequer lnd given notice of his intention of bringing foiwaid his statement for the year, a roajouty of 1-t must tend to weaken any Government which had so small a majority in their favour. If it had appeared that, though the majority was small, yet there was a determination on the part of all the Members of that majority to maintain the principles, of commeicial policy which, in fact, were in question on that day, that union might have made up for the smallness of the majority, and the Government might have conducted successfully the affairs of the country. But, on the 20th of February, a motion waa made with respect to a cci tain question of Parliamentary lieform, and upon that question, though in a thin House (not more than about 150 members being present), the Government were beaten by a majority of nearly two to one. Now, sir, if that had occurred in oidinary ciicumstances, I might have thought that, owing- to the hour and the thinness of the House, those who were in favour of the motion bad attended when others were absent ; and that upon the second reading the House, although it had given leare to introduce the Bill, would give a majority in accordance with the views which I, on the part of the Government had expressed 6n tB« subject; but, in the circumstances in whicjj^yflywey placed, I did consider that, although honorablymembers might have voted entirely with reference to that particular question which was before them (hear, hear, from the Liberals), and not at all upon any geneial views of policy (hear, hear), I did not think that although that might have been their intention, yet that in effect, having the whole of the financial and other measures of the Government before us, and having a probability — which I was inclined to believe in — that upon other measures, and on other incidental questions we might meet with similar defeats, I came to tbe conclusion that the Government was not in a position to conduct satisfactorily the business of the country in this House during tbe Session, and I thought it was for the public interest that, if such wore the case, the House should not enter into a discussion of financial measures, or be led to form decisions upon those questions when it was not probable that the Government would be able successfully to go through the Session. I thought, likewise, that it was a very dangerous course, and very disadvantageous to the country, that tbe Government should continue liable to defeats from time to time, baring but a very email majority at any time, and, therefore, carrying on a kind of lingering existence during the greater part of the Session to come. I therefore assembled the members of the Cabinet, and stated to them, that it was my opinion that the best course we could take as Ministers was to tender our resignations to the Queen, and enable her Majesty to form another Administration. My colleagues who were present in the Cabinet concurred with me in that opinion. One very important member of tbe Cabinet, however (the Marquis of Lansdowne), Presidentof the Council, was, at the time, absent from town, and I did not like formally to tender our resignation to her Majesty on that day. I, therefore, asked tbe House to assent to adjourn to this day. Early on tbe next morning Lord Lansdowne reached London, and he met me at Buckingham. Palace. He entirely concurred in the view his colleagues bad taken. I therefore proceeded at once to her Majesty, to lay before her the unanimous resignation of the Members of her Administration. Her Majesty waa graciously pleased to accept those resignations. She was also pleased to infoim me that it was her intention to send immediately for Lord Stanley, for the purpose of intrusting him with the formation of a Government. I was informed later in the afternoon that I was required to proceed to Buckingham Palace ; and I was then informed by the Queen that Lord Stanleyhad stated that he was not prepared to form a Government, and her Majesty asked me to undertake tbe charge of reconstructing a, Government that might be able to obtain the confidence of this House. 1 thought it my duty, under these circumstances, to attempt that task. (Hear, hear, from the Liberals.) I have, therefore, assured her Majesty that I would undertake it. (Hear.) lam perfecty aware of the many difficulties that surround the task; but 1 should only add to^them, and be acting most improperly, if I were now to state anything- further to the House. (Hear.) I have, therefore, only to request the House, without passing to any decision or judgment on what has taken place, to adjourn this question until Friday, when I trust thatsome definite resolution may be come to, and that I shall either have succeeded in, or abandoned, the task, so that in either event the House will learn what is likely to be the result. (Hear.) 1 move, sir, that this order of tbe day be now adjourned until Jriday. Mr. Disraeli — It ia not my intention, sir, to trespass upon the House, after the statement of the noble Lord, but for one moment. It is a matter of pubho notoriety that Lord Stanley bas bad an audience of her Majesty. Now, when Lord Stnnley has her Majesty' 3 gracious permission to state that which transpired dv ring such an audience, he will do so publicly, and in a constitutional manner, in bis place in Parliament. But there is one observation in the statement of the noble Lord which I feel it my duty not to pass unnoticed. When the noble Lord states that Lord Stanley stated to her Majesty that he was not prepared to form, an Administration Lord J. Ruesull— -Not then prepared. Mr Disraeli — The correction of the noble Lord does not at all affect that which I wish to state ; which is, that when the noble Lord says that Lord Stanley stated to her Majesty that he was not then piepared to form an Administration, he has made a statement which, upon further reflection, I think he will acknowledge was not founded on what really occurred. Lord J. Russlll — After what has fallen from tbe honorable gentleman, I will only say that Lord Stanley will no doubt, at the proper time, when he shall think fit so to do, and shall have received permission from her Majesty, state what bas occurred ; and my belief is that Lord Stanley's statement will bear out that which I have now said. Mr. Roebuck — I wish only to make one observation on the present extraordinary position of affairs. We are about to adjourn until Friday, and the noble Lord is about to reconstruct his Cabinet. He may fail ; and then, without the House of Commons having the slightest opportunity of expressing any feeling on tbe subject, her Majesty, I believe, in all propriety, will be obliged, if I may use the phrase, to send for somebody to make an Administration. Now I hope that the noble Lord, who has hitherto acted as the leader, not simply of a great party, but as representing a great principle, will not forget in all the proceedings that are about to take place, that this principle is now in his hands ; and that m a great measure what may hereafter take place as to that great principle, and the financial arrangements in this country, will depend on the steps the noble Lord may take; and upon him will be the responsibility if we are again called on to resume the great fightj^ Free Trade. j^ The order was then postponed till Friday, \ Shortly after the House adjourned till that day.

House of Lords. — Fjiidav, Makch 1. The Marquiß of Lanspowne rose and said, that when, on Monday night, he had moved the adjournment, he did so in the full expectation, and, he might add, the sincere hope, that it was the last time on which he would have to address their Lordships as the representative of those colleagues with whom he had so lately acted, hut circnmstances that had since occurred compelled him now to addi ess them in that capacity. At that time his noble friend (Lord John Ru9sell) was engaged in the attempt to re-construct a Ministry, and was in communication with a noble Earl, a distinguished member of that House, and a Right Hon. Baronet, a member of the other House, for the purpose of re-con-structing a Government on a larger basis than before. He had now to state to their Lordships the events that had since occurred. After that attempt of Lord John Rassell to form a Mimstiy, the Noble Lord opposite was again sent for by her Majesty; aud recollecting that that Noble Lord had before stated hismabihty then to form a Government, her Majesty again sent for Lord John Russell ; and two days had elapsed before that noble lord again declared to her Majesty his inability to succeed in doing bo. He (Lord Lansdowne), m obedience to her Majesty's commands, attended on her Majesty this morning-, when he found it was her Majesty a natural desire, in such a novel and almost unprecedented state of aftans to consult a noble and illustrious Duke, to whom her Majesty had pieviously had recourse under such circumstances. He was sure their Lordships would acquiesce in the propriety of her Majesty pausing m such an important and delicate state of aftaiiß to inform herself fully on the circumstances. However much he mTglt lament the state of things which existed there was one consoling oiicumstance— namely, that throughout the negooiations that took place theie was no van. anco of that personal respect which had existed betweeo

the individuals who had met for the purpose of consulting together on ihe piesent ciisis. (Heai.) The Earl of AntiincEN felt called upon after the statement of the noblo Maiquis, to explain to their lordships what had been the course of conduct which he had pursued in these npgociations. Her Majesty had sent to him on Satuiday, and he had expressed his willingness to co-opeiate m the re-constiuction of the Government. He had met Sir James Graham andLoul John Russell, and after mutual explanations Lord John Ilussell had laid before them the basis on which he pioposed to re-construct the Government, and had explained to them the seveial measures which he intended to propose. What those measures wore he would then explain, because, after consideration, lie believed that himself, and his right honourable friend would have been enabled to accede to all of them with certain modiiications, except one. Their differences with Loid John Russell arose exclusively on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, and both his right honourable fiiend and himself felt an invincible repugnance to adopt any measure of penal legislation towards the Roman Catholic subjects of this country. For 200 years they had tried, by persecution, to limit the numbers of the Roman Catholics, and the only effect had been to incieaso them. But while deprecating- legislation on the subject, he had been not the less sensible to the arrogant assumption of the Pontiff and of the Cardinal ; but he did not think that afforded grounds for any legislative interference with the religious liberties of our Roman Catholic fellow subjects. His right honourable friend, Sir James Gr.ibain, with w bom he had had no previous communication, entirely agreed with him, and, therefoie, they had declined to join Lord John Russell in the re-construction of the Ministry. Lord Stanley felt that the timp was now come when it was his duty to explain to their Loidsliipa the pait which, he had taken in the recent transactions, flleai.) On Saturday last, her Maje^y had sent for him, and had explained to him the causes of the resignation of the late .Ministry, as they had been explained in that House by the noble Marquis, and in the other House by Lord John Russell. He must express his conviction that those were not the only, if the chief causes of the difficult}'. The measure to suppress the Popish aggression, he believed, had much to do with the lesolution come to by her Majesty's Government that they could not cany on the Government of the country. That difficulty was also aggravated by the anticipated failure of the Budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the small majoiity of 14 in the House of Commons, against which a Government could not well proceed with their measures. In that division, many of their own supporters voted against them. On Mr. King's motion for an extensive alteration of the Reform Bill the Government were defeated by 100 to 54 votes — ahd of those fiftyfour votes seventeen were by members of the Protectionist body, twenty-seven by official members of the Government, leaving only 10 independent members who voted in their favour. He communicated these facts to lier Majesty, but he distinctly stated that he would not take ofnee on any other condition than that he should endeavour, in a bonajide manner, to give effect to his conviction of tbe necessity of giving legislative relief to the agricultural inteiest. He hoped the House would acquit him of any undue haste to grasp at office, and also give him credit for not shrinking from that responsibility, seeing the difficulty in which the Queen was reduced, of tendering tbe best services he could, even though at the risk of his own personal honour and reputation. The nuble lord then detailed the nature of his interviews with his colleagues, and said that many, for one reason or another, declined to join as members of a new administration. Mr. Gladstone, whose services he thought it advisable to secure, found he could not give him his adhesion, and under these circumstances a meeting was held at his residence last evening, and an unanimous couclusiou was arrived at, that it would not be possible to form a Government with any probability of carrying on tbe Government for any length of time, and he felt it consistent with his duty at once to communicate the lesult to her Majesty at the earliest possible moment. That be was mortified at not being able to oonstitute a Government he was not prepared to den}', but that he felt any hostilities to his political opponents lie hoped their Lordships would not believe. (Hear.) lie held it an object of vital importance that the Income Tax should not be permitted to degenerate into a permanent tax. He would never be a .party to any measure in opposition, which, if a Minister, he did not ccc his way to accomplish, and therefoie he declared that he would not oppose the renewal of the Income Tax, but would deil with it by appropriating the surplus to its reduction, and lie believed that by so doing, from onethnd to one-half of the Income Tax might he lepeaka, and he waa desirous to give some pledge to Parliament for its gradual reduction, and for the repeal of from onethird to one-half in the present year, and for the apportionment of a surplus to its reduction. He would not enter into a discussion of Protection in the e.bstr.\ct, but he would take it as admitted that the land was labouring under the pressure of undue taxation. By the imposition of a moderate fixed duty they might raise a revenue of £2,000,000 without materially raising the price of corn to the consumer. He believed that by imposing a moderate fixed duty on corn they would, in two years, be enabled to get rid of the Income Tax. He had no detiie to reverse the recent commercial policy of the country, but only so to modify it as would anest the progress of that ruin which was rapidly coming upon the agricultural classes. (Hear.) Alluding to the recent measure of Popish aggression, he said he did not approve of the measure of Government, because it bore on the face of it marks of passion and haste instead of deliberation and anxious consideration. The Papal agression, in his opinion, ought to he as strongly resisted as it would have been in the days of their ancestors ; but he confessed he was not prepared to legislate on a question of such vast importance until he had time to inquire into its various bearings. The danger to be apprehended from a delay of two or six years could not outweigh tbe injurious tendency which a measure, passed hastily and passionately, and not touching the root of the real grievance, would have on the country. {Hear.) He thought before any legislative remedy was proposed, a Parliamentary inquiry should be instituted by a Committee of both Houses into the actual state of the relations between Roman Catholics and foreign powers, and their own Church, and also into the state of the Jaw. His loidship concluded by expressing a hope that the House would not see in the course he had pursued anything discreditable to his motives or derogatory to his character as a statesman though he liad failed in bis attempt to form, a Government. (Cheers.) Their Lordships then adjourned.

House op Commons.— -Fiuday, March 1. On the motion for the second reading of the Ecclesiastical Titles .Assumption Bill, Lord John Russell, amid the most profound silence, rose and said : — Sir, in moving the postponement of this order of the day, I will take the opportunity of stating to the House what has occurred since I asked them on Monday to adjourn to this day. Before I do so, I think it necessary to notice a co».:radiction to a statement which I made on Monday last. (Great Cheering.) 1 then Btated that Lord Stanley having been lent for by the Queen, had stated to her Majesty that he was not then prepared to form a Government, and that I was then required to repair to Buckingham Palace. I received a contradiction to that statement in terms very peremptory, and in a manner not very courteous. I feel it due to my own honour to state, in the first place, that nothing was further from my intention than to misrepresent the conduct of Lord Stanley. For that noble lord I have the greatest possible respect, I have fought in Parliamentary matters side by side with him ; ■(Cheers.) I have fought face to face against him. {Cheers.) In all times and in every situation I have ' had occasion to admire his spirit, his courage, and his honour. (Great Cheering.) Therefore 1 should be sorry indeed if anything which fell from me did not give a correct representation of what that noble lord Lad stated. (Cheers.) The House will recolleot that it was not then my duty to go into detail, not to relate to particular circumstances, but yet to state clearly what appeared to me to be the general result of all tbat had occurred. (Hear, hear,) It was quite necessary that I should state a reason why, after having once taken leave of my Sovereign, I was again reqmicd to repair to the Palace j that it was necessary is obvious from the various statements circulated — statements, some of them previously to the lion, gentleman's contradiction, and some of them subsequent (cheers.) — which represented that noble Lord as anxious to form a Government, and myself as having endeavoured to force myself into the presence of my Sovereign, when that | noble loid was engaged in that task. (Cheers.) And what, sir, then occurred? His Royal Highness Prince Albert wrote to me a letter on Satuulay afternoon, and, by the permission of her Majesty, and also of his Royal Highness, I will now read it to the House. (Wear.) — "Lord Stanley has, after a conversation with her Majesty, declined to undeilake the formation, of a Go vernment at present until it is clear no other Government could be formed. The Queen has sent for Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, and she wishes to ccc you immediately." (Hear.) I could, sir, do no other ; on receiving that letter, than conclude that Loid

Stanley had declined, for the present, to form a Government — (loud cheers) — until it was found that no other Government could bo formed ; and I ask -whether there was any misrepresentation in stating, two days after receiving this letter, that Lord Stanley was not prepared at that tune to iorm a Government — and using the woids "not then piepnred 1 " (Loud cheers.) Sir, pveiy one who has been admitted to the presence of her Majesty is awaie of the courtesy, and of the precise tiuth of every thing which falls from her — (loud cheers; — but, sir, though I received from her Majesty an account ot what passed at her interview with Lord Stanley, 1 do not rest solely on her Majesty's statement, but I rest on the statement of the intei view which Loid Stanley sent to her Majesty {in the course of the same ecening, and of which she permitted me to read the extiacts which bear on the point in question. And let me observe, that if I state these particular to the House, it is in consequence of the contradiction of the honourable gentleman opposite. (Great cheering.) After stating to her Majesty the position of the throe parlies of whichjthe House of Commons is composed, I observed that the present admini&tiation had never met with any defeat at the hands of Loid Stanley's political friends, (Great cheering.) Lord Stanley then went on to state that he would only consent to form a Government in the event of no coalition being formed. lie believed that an Administration, formed under such circumstances, would be more likely to meet support, than one formed without time for leflection. Now, I aslc whether these extracts do not bear out my statement, that Lord Stanley was not prepared to form a Government 1 I will now state that, having been desired by her Majesty to form an Administration, and at her Majesty's request I have obtained interviews with both Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, I feel it right to say that no persondl consideration stood in the way of the formation of a Government composed of those whoso opinions appeared to prevail in the House of Commons. If Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham had concurred in the formation of a Government, I believe that no personal consideration would have stood in their way. (Hear.) With respect to the several points of public importance on which we deliberated, although theie was not any perfect agreement, yet there did not seem to be such a diversity of opinion as might not, by further communication, have been removed. There was one question — the Papal Aggression — on which it appeared impossible that we could agree. I think it quite necessary to proceed with that Bill. (Loud chceis.) Lord Aberdeen told me that he thought, respecting the late aggression on this country, no legislation at all was necessary. Upon that point there was so wide a difference of opinion, that it was evident that no Government could possibly be formed by the coalition of such parties. (Hear.) I agafn repaired to Buckingham Palace, and informed her Majesty of the difficulty which had occuned, and laid before her a full statement of the state of affairs. The effect of that information to the Queen was, that her Majesty's desire led to a communication with the Right Honourable gentlemen the Member for Ripon (Sir James Graham),« with the hope that I might be able with his assistance, to re-construct the Government by such an infusion of new strength as would give force and efficiency to the Ministry. (Hear) I was led to this course by old associations, by the recollection of the political aptitude which the Right Hon. Baronet so eminently possesses, and further still, if I may be permitted to state so much to the House, by the ties ot old and long-continued friendship. We were agreed on most of the great topics of public affairs, and I did think that if an interview was fairly conducted we might come to some general accord upon subjects on which a difference of feeling prevailed. (Hear.) The interview was aboitive, and I was therefore asjain obliged to resign the commission for the formation of a Government with which her Majesty had been pleased to honour me. (Hear.) This morning I was informed that her Majesty had received the letter from Lord Stanley which I have rend to the House. Placed under that difficulty, her Majesty had, most wisely, as I think, sent for an old friend of the Crown, who is not more eminent for Ims distinguished services abroad and for the glory of his military achievements (loudand long coutmued cheei ing), than he is for his attachment to the constitution of the country (the Duke of Wellington.) (Cheers from all sides.) I trust that I have said enough to assure the House that the representation of the honorable gentleman the member for Bucks (Mr. Disraeli,) that Lord Stanley was prepared to form a Government, was incorrect. (Hear and cheers ; and cries of •< oh !") With this statement I conclude the narrative of what has occurred within the last few days. (Chpers.)'Kut I cannot omit this opportunity of refuting the assoitioti that 1 was roady to take the helm in a. tune of piospenty, and to lesign to the ministry as soon as the Government was placed in a state of difficulty. To that ns&ertion I respond that I should not have deemed tho adverse division come to the other night any sufficient reason for a resignation of the Government if I had thought it could be carried on successfully. (Hear and cheers.) If I did not shrink from the difficulties of the country when 3,000,000 of people were in a state of distress, it was not likely that I should shrink from them now ; but I saw it was useless to proceed when office could only be retained nt the mk of power which would be useful to the country, and the loss of that character which was honourable to its possessor. (Hear.) When the directois of the Bank of England came to my Right Honorable friond to ask us to suspend the law, and run the lisk of an indemnity from Parliament, I might bavp shrunken from the difficulties of the time ; when, at a later period the whole of Europe was shaken with revolutions from one end to the other, and when there was every prospect of the treaty which bound Europe together, and preserved the peace of the world being dissolved, we did not shrink from our parts, nor did we do so even when in Ireland large bodies of people were preparing to organise a rebellion, (Oh, oh!) We might then have shrunk from the difficulties of the period ; but to suppose that we should do so now, when all those troubles have passed away, when commerce is flourishing, when the people are prosperous, and when the only difficulty at the Exchequer is, that it is rather fuller than it can convenintly hold, (a laugh) is quite ridiculous. (Hear.) But, sir, I wish to state some of the opinions which I hold now with regard to the thiee questions which have occupied the public mind, and engaged Parliamentary attention a good deal of late. (Hear, hear.) One of the most important points of those questions is Free Trade and the free import of corn. (Hear and cheers.) Now, sir, I take no credit whatever for the establishment of the present law upon that subject, for the system which the Government of j Lord Melbourne propo^d was a system of a different kind. It was a system which was'based upon a moder- J ate duty on corn, and a differential duty on sugar and other articles. That plan was rejected by the House of Commons, and in 1845 the circumstances of the country having in the meantime undergone a great change and assumed a different aspect, Sir Robert Peel pronounced that at no distant period the Corn Lawa must berepealed, and at the same time, in the month of November without any communication with my party, I published my opinions that the time was come when the Corn Laws could no longer be maintained. The only safe course, then, was to proceed to their abolition, and Sir Robert Peel gave the honour of the change which afterwards followed to the honourable member for the West Riding. Now, sir, I think it is due, in a great part, to Sir Robert Peel, and to the honourable member for the West Riding ; but I can't altogether say that !>I claim no credit, but the smallest amount is clue foi the part I took in effecting the change. (Hear.) That change was effected in 1846, and 1 believe its effects have been most beneficial to this country. (Cheers.) I believe that the great mass of the people of this country are enjoying benefits from that change which they would not otherwise have obtained. (Hear.) When the reins of power fell into our hands, it was our endeavour to proceed in that policy ; and on two very important questions — namely, in tho case of foreign sugar and the Navigation Laws, we succeeded in carrying measures in conformity with our present commercial policy. (Hear.) I rejoice that we were able to carry these two changes into effect, with the willing concurrence of the two Houses of Parliament, for it appears to me that while we are endeavouring to carry such changes into effect, we should, as far as possible, do so without disturbing the institutions of the country. I will now proceed to the next subject, and that is the Bill relating to the assumption of power in this country by a foreign Ecclesiastical Power. (Hear.) I still concur in the opinions which I expressed on the introduction of that Bill. It is my opinion that the assumption of these titles was an assumption of power on the pai t of a foreign Prince which it was impossible for us to pass by unnoticed ; but, 1 sir, I will say this, that I thought, and still think, that the main object to be attained by that Bill was the vindication of our national independence, and the assertion of the supremacy of the Crown and kingdom of England, as agaiifst any foreign power whatever. (Hear.) But, sir, with iespec f to the Bill we had introduced, looking to 1 the past proceedings in the Irish Courts of Law, there aie some of its clauses which ought not to be pressed to the fullest extent, It was not our intention so to interfere with any thing which be longs to the regular order of Roman Catholic woiship, So far we were anxious to maintain the religious hbeity

uhi h ix.sts in lhis countiy. Thereiore if that Bill weic proceeded with, I shi-uld be ready to make all such alterations as should prevent any of lhi> mteifcrence which seems to bo dreaded. I o\u> tint when I s^e n man of such moderation as Archbishop Mutiny objecting to the piovisions of that Bill, I will s.iy I am quite icady to examine and go into the piovisions of the Bill, and st-o whether the objections which have been stated iv ally do exist. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) My pci^U'ision was, and I was induced to believe so by information which I receivrd fiom a vc-y high authoiitv, that, on these (wo points which I have stated, this Dill was not calculated to make any intcifeience. Theteibre, I am quilo ready to cairy into effect the original intentions of the Bill, not to dcpaitfrom them, and not to go beyond them. Theic is another question of veiy great importance, upon which, on the occasion of a late debate, on the 2' th instant, I made a statement to the House on the subject of extending the Franchise. It is fit that I should slate to the House that the subject has been under the consideration of the Cabinet dm ing the late lecess, but myself and my collengucs come to the unanimous determination that it would not be light to introduce a measure on that subject in the present Session. As, however, a General Election must take place in 1853, we determined that 1552 would be the Litest time that such a measure could be introduced. With renpect to the question itself, I have to say tfiat having for ten years befoie the Reform Bill was introduced devoted my attention to the subject, and hiving made many motions between the yeais 1821 and IS3I , having had a great share in framing the Re- | foim Bill, I am perfectly satisfied with the general working of the Bill. Ido not see that it has produced any of the cousequences of overturning the Constitution which were piophesied of it. But in lespect, however, of any futme measure which may be introduced upon | the subject. I think you must proceed with ihe greatest caution. I think the general disposition of the Reionn | P.uliament has pioduced a fair of the intelligence, the wishes, and the industry of the people. I should dieid any change which might be introduced in the repiesentation which deprived the House of Commons of that conseivative element which ought to belong to it, I cannot conceive that a House of ComI mons merely representing numbers would act in har- [ mony with a Monaichy, an hereditary House of Peers, and an Established Church. I think it ought to be the object of any "ie who approaches this subject not to ciea'e a Home of Commons which should be a seporate i power, hut it should be his object to do as we did in J 8151— to endeavour to give to the people a greater in- | tcrest in their institutions, md at the same time to improve the general iepresentation» These are the I views that I venture to bring before the House upon these three great topics. It is, at the present time, a matter of doubt into whose hands the Government of the country may be committed, but I feel that on great subjects, like those I have refeied to, of Pailiamcntary interierence, it is, not for ministers alone to look to the solution of such gieat questions. (Hear.) They interest us and our own posteiity. (Ileai.) Sir, I have considered, in thecou:se of my Parliamentary conduct, whether on the day I was pioposing Reform to a small minority, and amidst the apathy of the country, or ' whether I was proposing a "Bill that was leceiving the enthusiasm of the nation, I felt that my great comfort was that I was acting with those on whom I had the greatest confidence, and on whose judgement 1 could lely — (Hear)~and on whose integrity I could place the greatest faith. (Hear.) The noble Lord havirg alluded to the sentiments of Burke, and the men with whom he had acted for eleven years, said—" I have acted for far more then eleven years with such men as Romilly, Macintosh, and Homer, with Lord Grey and Lord Althorpe, and with such men it has been my pride to act. I will not speak of the living, but I will say that as long as I am a public man I will act with those men and consort with such men as nrlopt my public views. (Hear ) Some men may think that our standard of" public viitue is highei than in the times of Burke, others may think it lower ; hut as long as I take p-\rt in public affiuis I shall ever follow the example of such public men as I think may best guide my public life." (The noble Lord sat down amid much cheering.) Mr. Disraeli wished to correct some of the mistakes into which the Noble Lord appeared to him to have fallen. It was the opinion of J-,ord Stanley, and cer- ! tainly of all parties, that no reference would be made to what had occuncd, and that the Noble Lord opposite would not have consideied it necessary, under the circumstances, to have made the allusions he did. (Hear ) ! lie, hove ver, was authorisrd by Loid Stanley to state that if it was said he was not pieparcd to form an Administiatiou, that such really was not the case. lie never ler one moment meant to state any thing that was to be consideied peiemptory. Sir James Graham said, that on Saturday evening Loid Abeidecn and himself were ordered to attend the Queen, nnd they immediately did so, and wrre informed that as Lord Stanley was not then prepared to form an Administration, her Majesty had again authorised Loid John Russell to form an Administration. Both he and Lord Aberdeen espi eased their willingness to obey their Sovereign, and act in union with Loi'l John Russell. It was a source of great satisfaction to him I that be had again renewed his pi ivate fiiendship with the Noble Lord, with whom he had so long acted ; and ho hoped that in future he might use the phrase of* my noble friend." Upon the questions of Religious Liberty, the Extension of the Suffrage, and Fieo Trade, he had acted with the noble lord, sometimes as a colleague, and sometimes as an opponent ; but he had still agieed with him. On all these points there was no obstacle to pievent him from joining with the noble lord in cauying out the spirit of those measuies. With respect to the extension of the suffrage, he thought great caution .should be observed, but he was still willing to consider the subject and extend the suffrage on safe principles. With respect to the Papal Aggiession, he was bound to say that he could not reconcile to his sense of public duty to be an assenting paity to the Government Bill, however much it might be altered and modified. He believed the Bill would be utterly inopeiative; but it would be legarded by the Roman Catholics as penal and odious. He had had no communication on the subject with Lord Aberdeen until the session had commenced ; and when he asked his loidship's opinion on the fust day of the session, he was glad to find that Lord Aberdeen agreed with him (Sir James Giaham), and although the noble lord op.. ; posite offeied to modify the measure, they could not consent to suppoit it in whatever shape it might be presented. Tbcie was a cardinal difference (laughter) between the noble Loid and them on this point. Seeing, theieioie, that they weie opposed to the Bill in opposil'on i.o the feelings of the people of England and Scotland, it would have been absurd on the pait of Loid Aberdeen and himself to attempt to form an administration, lie was, however, hound to say that the step taken by the Couit of Rome, and moie paitioulaily by Cardinal Wiseman, was in his opinion excessively offensive. Mr. Humk said he was quite convinced that the Papal measure must be abandoned, or the affections of the people of Ireland would be alienated. The people of England would be surprised to leain that the wlmle ensib depended, not on the Income Tax or the Budget, but on the Papal Aggression. The Administration, howevei, could not have stood, having in many respect* shown itself incapable and incompetent. Sir R. Inglis said, no Administration could stand which was baßed on an impoitant concession to the Pope. Mr. Anstey attacked the Anti-Papal Agitation. Mr. Osbohne defied the Noble Lotd to cairy the Papal Aggiession Bill. Mr. Newdegatii, Colonel Sirmiourc, and Mr. Spooner having spoken, Mr. Wakley was quite in the dailc as to the country having a Government or not. He consideied it an evil that such men as Mr. Hume were shut out from the Councils flf the Soveieign. Lord J. Russell stated that there was no Administration existing at present. Mr. Aldmiman Sydney considered no Government could exist that suppoited the Income Tax and refused to lepiess Papal oppiession. After a few words ftom Mr. Banks and Mr. Slangy, the House adjourned.

House or Lords. — Mond\y, March 3. Tun Mmquis of Lansdowne th-jn rose, anil, having laid on the table a lepoit from a certain Board of Commissioneis, sat'l : My loids, I may as well, in laying this rcpoit on the table, and befoiel luova the atljomnincnt ol the House, dischugi? my duty, by acquainting your loidslups that in (.ho circumstances of the piesent iiunncit, .uid altoi ilie f«uluic ol tlnce suc= cessivc schemes lor tin 1 toiistiwtion of t i new Administiation, her M'ljfstj, aftci duly icilcctinp; upon the situ'itidii m winch -.ho «as pi iced bj that f.iilinc, has been pleased to cull i),,uii those of h^i Ministeis who had been iccuitly in ollioc to lcsume thos.o oflices, and to endeavour <'t ledbt, to cany ou Urn {lovcininent ol the count))'. I\ly loklh, that step npon the p.nt ol her Mnjcsly wa.s not Ukc» wilhout full and duo dtlibeialjon ;

and I lime (lie authority of her Majesty to stcte, that having- dining the time she was so pausing had lecouise to ih? advice und opinion of a noble ami illustrious Duke— the most distinguished member of this House — and who is now sitting at your Lordships' table — both his advice and his opinion were in conformity with that step. Under these circumstances I have to inform your Loidships, that her Majesty's late Ministers have thought that they have no alternative but to undertake the task thus, of necessity almost, devolving upon them. Having mode that statement, T may be permitted to add, what I am sure your Lordships will readily believe, that no person laments moro deeply than I do the existence of those differences cf opinion, which it is obvious to your Lordships and is well known to the public and the world, have prevented the const! uetion of a new, a stronger, and more effective Administration. (Hear, hear, from Lord Brougham.) If tlsore were one wish that I could entertain as an individual more strongly than another, or if there were one thing which it would give me more satisfaction than any other, either in or out of office, if possible by any efloit ot mine to contribute to effect, it would be to put an end to any of those difficulties which have proved obstacles to the construction of that which is thought most desiiable for the interests of the country, a strong and effective Administration. (Hear, hear,) The noble Marquis concluded by moving that the House do adjourn till to-monow.

House of Commons, March 3. The Clerk having read tbe order of the day for the second reading of the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill. Lord J. Russell rose and spoke as follows : — I now have to inform the House of what has occurred since I last addressed it, and to state the course which I purpose to pursue. Since I last addressed the House tae puhhc has been put in possession of a statement made by Lord Stanley with respect to his attempts to form a Government, and the reasons why those attempto were not successful. It is not my intention to make nny comment on those reasons ; but I feel it right—especially after the rumours which, have been spread on this subject— to say that it appears perfectly clear that Loid Stauley had full power and opportunity to form a Government, and that no request he thcuglt it reasonable to make was denied him in the progress of his negotiations. (Hear.) I stated on Friday last, that her Majesty had been pleased to send for the Duke of Wellington, in order to learn his opinion on the present state of affairs. The Quean saw the Duke of Wellington on Saturday and late yesterday evening her Majesty received a written communication from his Grace. I had the honour of audience of the Queen this morning at twelve o'clock, and her Majesty having received the opinion of the Duke of Wellington, that, in tbe present state of affairs, the best course her Majesty could pursue was to invite her former Ministers to resume office, Her Majesty was pleased to desire that her former Ministers should resume their offices accordingly. (Hear.) After what has occurred — after th"> failure of the repeated attempts which have been made to form a Government, as has been stated to the House — I and my colleagues thought that we could not perform our duty to her Majesty and the country otherwise than by accepting the offer which her Majesty had been pleased to make. (Hear, hear.) Having entered so fully the other day into the subjects which have recently formed matter of debute, I will only say now that I trust the House will allow us till Friday next before proceeding with matters of public debate, by which means we shall have an opportunity of considering the various measures we purpose introducing, and the state of public business generally. (Hear.) I purpose proceeding with the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill on Friday ,and my Right Hon. friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department, on moving the second reading of that Bill, will state what amendments and alterations it is intended to make in it when it shall go into Committee. I therefore propose that the second reading o f tho Bill shall be fixed for Friday, with the intention of taking it as the first order of the day. Befoie.hovveTor, proceeding with the orders of the day on Friday, I will atate the course which the Government me.m to pursue with respect to other business before the House — as far, at least as fixing the time at which it shall be brought under consideration. On that occasion 1 will answer the question put to m.9 the other day, which I was not then in a position to answer, as to the time at which we shall proceed with the budget. On Friday I shall be prepared to state tho day on which the budget will come on, and the course which we aro prepared to pursue on that subject, I now move that the order of the day for tho second reading of the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill be postponed to Friday next. (Hpar, hear.) Mr, Osuornl : Does the noble lord intend to persist in the budget which has been already opened to the House? Lord J. Russell: I will state on Friday next on what day the budget will be proceeded with. (Hear, hear.) It would be exceedingly wrong in me, in the present state of public business, to enter into further explanations. (Clieers.) Mr. Kkogh thought it only reasonable that, after all that had taken place with re&prct to the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill, the House should not be called upon on Friday next to do more than hear the statement of the Secietary for the Home Department. According to the statement made by the noble lord on a former evening, the second, third and fourth clauses of the Bill, as it stood at present, must either be extensively modified or altogether withdrawn. It was reasonable to expect that the people of Ireland should be afforded an opportunity of considering the Bill in its amended shape. For that purpose a delay of ten days could not be considered too much. Lord J. Russell was ready to make any reasonable concession ; but he apprehended that there was no occasion to delay the second reading of the Bill. The usual course was to state, before the second reading of a Bill, the amendments which it was intended to make in it whpn in Commitee. Mr. Gibson observed, that the second reading of the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill would occupy veiy considerable time, and render necessary tbe postponement of financial measures to a late period of the session. Was the noble Lord really determined to give this measure undue precedence over the general public business 1 (Hear, hear.) When he objected on a former occasion to proceeding with the Ecclesiastical Tides Bill tho noble Loid raised a sort of laugh against him, as though he were the only person who took that view of th» question. The Noble Lord had since found that he (Mr. Gibson) was not singular in his dislike of the measure, for, as it now stood, it was positively objectioiiable to all parties. Loul J. Manni its said, that, looking to tbe peculiar circumstances under which the reconstruction of the Cabinet had taken place, he was sure he gave expression to the universal feeling of Members on that (the Opposition) side of the House, in assuring the noble Lord that from them would proceed no factious or uu- ■ necessary opposition to his policj. (Hear.) I Several other members spoke, and the second reading of the Bill was then postponed.