WHAT IS THE GOOD OF THE COLONIES ? [From the "Sophisms of Free trade Exposed."]

New Zealander, Volume 6, Issue 453, 17 August 1850, Page 3

WHAT IS THE GOOD OF THE COLONIES ? [From the "Sophisms of Free trade Exposed."]

What it the good of the colonies ? So say the ultra-Free-traders. " Give me ships, colonies, and commerce," said the greatest administrative genius of modern times. Well does it behove the rulers of the British Empire to see to it that they commit no mistake in this matter. A mistake beie is irreparable. The world is now occupied. No more colonies are to be had. Repentance and a change of public opinion, however soou it may arrive, may 3 r et come too late. Steam, as an effectual means of communication by land and ocean, has not existed twenty years. The wonders of the elecliic telegraph have but just burst on our astonished sight. Our fashionable but ephemeral anti-colonial theories, modern as they are, nevertheless older than iron highways, Atlantic steamers, and the electric telegraph. They therefore, leave entirely out of their calculations, the connecting and concentrating efficacy of these momentous modern discoveries. Steam has transformed the little peddling manufacturing: villages of the last century into Manchesters and Birmingham!. On towns, and on a small icale such are its effects ; on empires, and on a large scale its effects will be proportionate. Uniformity in language, manners, opinion, law, government-—simulta-neous and conceited action over enormous portions of the earth's surface, hitherto impossible, are now suddenly rendered not only possible, but peifectly easy. Time and distance are annihilated. The aggregation of vast masses of mankind under one governing power, will minimise the expenses of government, consolidate its strength, augment its efficacy, and insure its dura tion. We already see the approaching shadows of those gigantic confederations which a coming age will witness. The two colossal empires that even now loom in the distance, are the Uni f ed States and Russia. Possibly a third may be descried, ond a greater than either of the other two, unless it pleases Providei cc only to show us the mighty possible future Gxeat iin-

tain, and then dash our incipent greatness, by allowing us to persevere in a disintegrating policy, in spite of the plainest warnings. Lei us consider for a moment what our colonial empire consist', of and what it can do for us. Our noblest dependence is the Indian empire. It has been lately increased, and to an enlightened policy rendered more valuible than ever, by the acquisition of the Punjaub. Two of the greatest rivers in Asia are now ours, and may easily be made available, not only for internal communication, but for the fertilization of vast (list i icts. A new field for Biiiish skill and science, and in a healthy and temperate climate, has been just opened up. The revenue^ of the new province aie already so lar^e that it need be no expense. Within our own borders, India now presents us with the productions of all lands and all climates — cotton, silks, fine wool, sugar, spice*, rice, and eveiy other na'ural production that dm be desired, in exhaustible profusion. And these immense n-UUial riches are India's means for the unlimited purchase of Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield goods. Her custom-houses are ours. Trade with India alone, under proper regulations, is capable of soon becoming far greater than the whole piesent foreign trade of Gieat Britain. Turn to the west. We have Upper and Lower Canada, with themngnificent St. Lawrence, on our own soil Every Canadian already dines oft an English table cloth, with English knives and forks, clears and cultivates with English tools, sets his foot on an English carpet, sleeps on an English bed, is clothed from head to foot in English manufactures. And till lately, he was satisfied and proud to be a British subject. We have New Brunswick, with its timber and shipbuilding capabilities. Nova Scotia with the most magnificent and commodious harbours in the world. In the harbour of Halifax alone, 1003 ships can ride safely, to say nothing of the harbours of Margaret's Bay, St. Mary's Bay, the Basin of Mines, of Annapolis Basin, Pictun Harbour, and Cumberland Basin. There is a neighbouring power that forms a juster estimate than we do of these means of maritime greatness and imperial wealth. We have, in the same part of the world Cape Breton, Prince Edward's Ibland, and the Hudson's Bay teiritory. The West India Islands, so cruelly treated, might, since the introduction of steam, be just as valuable to us as new counties, with a tropical climate, in the English channel, or, as sugar plantations with a congenial climate, in Suffolk or Yorkshire, if such things were as possible as they are imaginable. We actually have within a run of a few days, almost of a few hours to supply us with tropical productions. First, there is the noble island of Jamaica, the aggregate imports and exports of which island alone used to be about five millions sterling a year ; and which if it were treated like an English countrj', as it ought to be, might be, and would soon be much more. We have then the long list of Antigua, Barbadois, Dominica, Grenada, Moniserraf, Nevis, St. Christopher, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Tobago, Tortola, Trinidad, the Bahamas, and the settlements of Demarara and Berbice. ; all once most flourishing and loyal dependencies, now fast Binting to decay, alienated by a policy unexpected, because incredible, but in the near neighbourhood of a great and rising state whose policy ifc altogether different. Our European dependencies are chiefly valuable as naval and military stations, the outposts and sentinels of what yet is, but possibly for no long time, the greatest naval power that ever wai. Gibralter the key of the Meditenanean, has been ours for nearly 150 years. The htiong fortress of Malta, taken from the French in 1803, was ceded to us at the peace of 1815. The lonian Islands, viz., Corfu Cepbalonh, Zante, Santo Maura, Ithaca, Cerigo, Paxo. passed under the British protection, or more properly speaking iv the British sovereignty, in 1815. These islands supply us with quantities of currants and olive oil, and take in re'urn cotton and other manufactures, and colonial produce. The revenue of these dependencies about pays the expenses of government, leaving us the trade as a pure gain. The small island of Heligoland, in the North Sea, is useful, especially in a time of war, as a depot, and as a pilot and packet station. Besides the colonies and dependencies above enumerated, we have also in the northern hemisphere, on the western coast of Africa, the settlement of Sierra Leone, the settlement on the Gambia, and the settlements of Caps Coast, Castle Accra, Diz Cove, Annanboe, and Fernando Po. In the North Atlantic we have the Beimuda Islands. Such is a mere outline of this colossal empire in the northern hemisphere. But we have yet to enumerate our vast possessions under the southern cross. In the South Atlantic Ocean we possess St. Helena and the Ascension Island. We then com« to the Cape of Good Hope and South Afiica ; the half-way house, as it hip re, on the road to our possessions in the East and in Australia. Then we have the Mauritius. Next comes the great island of Ceylon, well fitted for coffee, cinnamon, and the cocoa nut tree. The island, or lather the continent, of New Holland ( the whole of v hich is a British possession) is twenty-eight times as large as Great Britain and Ireland put together. Although this immense territory has not been ours sixty years, already, on the coast and its neighbourhood aie extensive and flourishing settlements. Indeed all but the first are of only a few years, standing. On the east is Sydney, with an extensive territory. On the southeast Port Phillip. On the southern coast, the settlement of South Australia. On the west, Swan River. These settlements enjoy a dry, temperate, and peculiaily salubrious climate. All the vegetable productions of the South of Fiance and the South of Europe flourish here. So well adapted are they to sheep pasturage that the fine Australian wool is lapidly superseding foreign wool in tl c British markets. The soil and climate »ie well fitted for the growth of the vine. Although the manufacture of wine is but in its infancy, yet wine, both red and white, of excellent quality, has already been produced in considerable quantities. There is reason to expect that, before long, the export of wine will be a flourishing branch of commerce. Although the tnineralogical wealth of these vast territories is still unexplored, yet copper is known to exist in abundance, and even gold has been found. The same general remarks apply to the island of Van Diemen's Land. Norfolk Island has hitherto only been used at a penal settlement. The temperate and healthy climate of the three island* of New Zealand renders them peculiarly eligible for emigrants ; and though the settlements are in their infancy, they promise, ere long, great prosperity. Such is an imperfect and bird's eye view of the vast dominions of the British Crown in both hemispheres. If they do not compose a state without a parallel for greatness and universal prosperity, the fault must be in the policy of the Imperial Government. It is true, the ocean flows between, or rather amongst, the members of this confederation 1 But that very ocean, is at once the cheapest highway, and would be, with a wise policy, the source of maiitime strength and gicatness equally overwhelming and durable. With such an Empire, Great Britain is more than ever Queen of the Seai. [ Go to the hall of Greenwich Hospital, and see in

the pictures that line the walls the more than Roman valour and contempt for life, to which Great Britain owes this imperial greatness. But the namrs of Blake, nnd Shovel, of Elliott, Duncan, Howe, Colhngwood, Jervis, and Nelson, fall coldly on the ears of an unconscious and ungrateful public. Their heroism has won for us means of unlimited productions, purchase, and trade, with harbours, rivers, ports, and rustom houses, under our own control; advantages of which we seem equally insensible and unwoithy. We have incurred the cost of acquisition, but refuse to reap the benefit. We prefer to find, among; foreign nations hostile tariffs and jealous rivalry. Is not closer and closer union of the members of this great family the secret of their tiue policy? Union U Suength — should be the guiding sUr of our course. The ancient colonial system, though not so dange* rous as the modern anti colonial one, is, nevertheless, not the true and durable one. The gi cat Lord ChatI h,im was not only a Protectionist, but an ulta-Pr<>-tectionis*, jealous even to the colonie- 'They shall not,' said he, ' make so much as a nail.' The ultra-Five-traueis, on the other hand, wantonly exposed the colonists to every disadvantage, and allow them no protection against those foreigners who enjoy overwhelming adeantuges. The colonies are over- weighed, and required to run against those who carry no weight. The true policy would differ fiom Lord Chatham's for it would treat the colonists as if they inhabited an English county, giving them full liberty to grrow and manufacture what they pleased. It would differ from the system of the Freetraders, for in place of advan* tages it would give them, in common with all their fel-low-subjects, an advantage in the imperial markets, and take in return a. reciprocal advantage in the colonial markets. The first market in the world, instead of being opened as now to all without distinction, would give a preference to British subjects. It requires little foresight to perceive how powerfully self-interest would immediately bind the colonies to the mother country, and the mother country to the colonies. National pride would join with national inteiest to cement the union. England would not be prouder of vast dominions than these dominions of the confederations to which they belong, and of (he Royal and Imperial head of which they are the members. Full scope in every quarter of the globe would be given to Aiiglo<S*xo.i energy and enterprise. In no long time the colonial trade of the British empire would not only be ten timss what the foreign tratl-' i now, but instead of a sandy and precarious found*!.: would rest on a solid and enduring one. But it is said, nature never intended such vast territories as India, at the other end of the globe, to remain subject to this little island. "We muit lose our co'onies some day or other. In the firrt place, it is forgotten what natural physical advantages the inhabitants of a northern and temperate region have over the listless and indolent natives of a southern clime. The supremacy of the one, and the subjection of the other, is pot only in the order of na'ure, it is for the airantage of both. British India never knew the blessing of peace and regular government till it passed uudev British sway. As to all your colonies in temperate regions, you have it in your power, to make a continued connexion with the mother country their interest and their pride. But assume, that at some future time you are to loie a portion of your dominions. What is this but saying that the British Empire is like all other human things, mortal ? Is that any reason for prematurely breaking it up ? for sacrificing the ultimate advantages which survive even the severance of a ]ong connexion ? Is the present and the next und the following generation to count lor nothing? But colonies are expensive. Whoever will sit down and count the real pecuniary loss to the mother country, occasioned by her colonies, and compare it with the real pecuniary gain, will soon discover that even now the colonies are a prodigious gain to the mother country. He will find it, even if he addressess himself to the calculation under the influence of two popular, but almost universal eirors ; first that national expenditure is a purs loss : and/secondly, that all the good deiived from the trade is the profit in the narrowest sense of the word. Much more clearly will he find it, it he considers that the national expenditure is, to a very great extent, but a transfer of valuh, nnd that every thing produced within the limits of the JBiitisb. Empire is an addition to its wealth. But if the colonies are again even now, persecuted and distressed as they are, what will they be under a wise and truly British policy. If they would be of value to almost any state, how much more to a stale overflowing with a population, and staggering under a load of debt ? But what you do, you must do quickly. It is very doubtful whether you have not already, by a few months of misgovernment, lost one of your gieatest colonies, and one of your best customers. Indeed the pecuniary burthens of Great Britain arc among the strongest reasons for drawing closer the bands of connexion with the colonies. Without them she will soon sink to the rank of a fourth iate power. Her oblications, public and private, will then grind her to powder. With her colonies, and the sure, ope'i boundless field which they present, her debts and liabiliues, ai-e dust in the balance. Men ot fortune I if you live to witness the severance of Great Biitum from her colonies, you will find your wealth of every kind vanish like Aladdin's palace. Your land may renuin, but its value will be gone. Once more. As the colonies grow, they can more and more easily sustain the expense of tueir government and defence. The greater they become the less cost. Lastly. Pursue the disintegrating theory to its logical consequences. Canada, is expensive — give it to the United States. The West Indies are eXpenbive and discontented— throw them into the lump. The E.ist ludies are expensive— abandon them to the native princes* ot Russia. Gibraltar and Malta are expensive — 'the French or Russ'ans will gladly take them off your hands. Australia is expensive — Let them set up for themselves, and shut out your products. Ireland ii very expensive—leave her to the Irish. The Islands, and some of the Highlands of Scotland are but little better. And some counties of England are threatening to fall in the same condition. Will so much as Denmirk be left ? Do you get rid of your debt with your territory ? If you stand even still, you aie overshadowed. You,have only to retain your colonies, make them an integal part of the mother country, and you will be greater than either or both. Bind them up iv one Great British Z jlyeiein, No doubt there are political measures that deserve the attention of our rulers. Befoie the Reloim Act, some at least ol the colonies had a voice in the legislature and were, though not nominally, yet really, and very effectually lepresented. Now no colony is lepresentetl there, directly or indirectly. Laws aie made deeply affecting the colonies, by utter strangeis, very imperfectly acquainted with their real inteiests. If euch colony were directly repiesented, though only by one or two members, their voices could not indeed, influence a divibion, but they would be living suuices of accurate infoimation, accessible to every member of the house. The leaven would diffuse itbeli tluoughout the mass, and the temper of the house on aolonnl matters would be changed. Is 'I hetfoni to send two members, anil are neither Jamaica nor Canada, to be heard even

by one ? And can the prerogative select no colonuf subject whose wealth, injlu/nce, or information, would be .m recession even to the Upper Houae? But what is to be said of the Colonial Office— of the nmchinciy which directs the Imperial executive government of the colonies ? Can anything be more raiicrably inadequate? Have noc lecent incidents demonstrated the necessi.y of a diiect channel communication between the colonies and tbe legislature?