LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S SPEECH ON COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. [From the "Times," Feb. 9.]

New Zealander, Volume 6, Issue 444, 17 July 1850, Page 3

LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S SPEECH ON COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. [From the "Times," Feb. 9.]

Were we challenged to criticise Lord J^bn ltu-sell's exposition of our colonial pol cy, we nbould probably describe it as uUerly wanting in oratoiiial tffect. Oi n great su ject, and deluered to an at en'iva assemb'age in theliist Senate of ihe world, it scarcely once breaks fiom the pace of a businesslike statement. Y-t no Biitish subj jet of heirt and sense can rise from ihe perusal without feeling that he is present at a crisis of orr national destinies, th it he is taking part in great ac <>» that he is standing at a point where the story of the | ast only seives to open up ihe more splendid vision of tne fu ure. A ter many cj6ts and toi s, and in the midst of a great sociil contest, the Biitish Empire is now on the point to be the mo her of nations. It is, indeed, a season of trial and uncertunty, but the most glorious days of history have dawned in doubt, and it it only what every conqut" ing host has suffered on the morning of victory, if England is no v spent with exertion, harrassed by perplexity, and saddened by the recollection of many reverses. Tne man .who can lit down and read our colonial li-story simply as a thing of the past, may well rise from it with unmitigHted disappointment. But read that history a" the beginning of better things, of which a fair promise it now at least showing itself, and we say confidently that it is enough to make any Englishman proud of hii country and his age. lie belongs to a country who*e mission it is to sow half the world with free institutions ; and he belongs to a time when that mission is fuifi.led. All that England has to do at, this moment is to watch the diiection of events, and to acknowledge the claims of her own people. She must neither domineer over her offspring, n r cli- q to them with a doting fondness. She has only to consider what is best for them. Such is the policy of our pseient statesmen. No other policy would go down, ci her nt home or in our colonies, and all the credit it will bii <q to our rulers is, that thty have the sense to see what :s actually wanted, and the modesty to do if. It is this, spirit which gave to Lord John Russell's adJteis a power that no eloquence could haveimpaiteJ. The bill described by his Lordship is substanlia ly the same as that introduced last June. It w*i then withdrawn apparsntly in deference to certain friendly suggestions, and in particular to the expressed desire that it might have the benefit of colonial opinions. As it has been several times described in these columns, aid as our readers will find it fully explained by Lord John, it is unnecessary to go through its provision-.. So we will content ourselves with noticing the changes it has undergone, in cjn^equence of its eight m m'.hs ordeal, and the strictures that hive been made upon it. The propoied form of colonial legislature remains the same. Our Australian Colonies da not supply the materials for an Upper House of any kind whiter r>

and all that can be done is to divide the usual functions of an Upper House between the Governor and the Chamber of Representatives. The power of veto and revision collectively possessed by our own House of Lords is given to the Colonial Governor, while the personal weight, such as it is, posseised by the nominees of the Executive is left to fi^ht its way in the colonial Commons. The plan works tolerably at Syd« ney, where no other plan hai worked, and at the other colonies there is still less option in the matter. In fact, where the whole Legislature contains only 36 member*, aud where the me c establishment of the Legislative establishment, including short band writers, is aseiiou< chsrge on the colonial treasury, it seems almost ridiculous to think of two Chambers. Tlie next point on which rrisgiviugs have been expressed is the constituency. In New South Wales the qual fication is lrgh, and it has been apprehended that an increase of power will render the Legislative Council a mere oligarchy, unless the franchise be extended. The objection is extended to the other Australian colonies, which in these r espects, are to be generally assimilated to New South Wales. To this it may be replied, that a great concsssion of power to a representative body is not exactly the time for giving it a more democrating bans ; and as the several Legislative Councils will have the power themselves of enlarging the franchise, we may fafely leave this queition to the increasing pressure from without winch they will be sure to experience. As for another remark we have seen, viz :— that a legislative assembly has ve r y little reality of power when a third of its members are ihe organs and nominees of the Executive, and when the head of the Executive has the right of veto and revision, that objectiou is neither foiiuJ-d on common sense nor the facts of the case. No dLoiation has been made in the optional powers for creating two houses proposed in the bill of last session. The most remarkable novelty in the present bill is the new arrangement of the Colonial Civil L sts, which is an advuuee upon that in the bill of last year, as much as it was an advance upon the original Constitution of New South Walos by act 5 and 6 Victoria, chap. 76. That act provided a permanent sum for the Governor, the judicial es'ablishment, various civil services, and religious worship. Of these, the only pajments now exempted from the absolute control of the colonial Legislature are those for the Governor aud for public worship; not even the stipends of Judges being reserved. If the Legislative Council shou'd think fit to alter the payment Tor the Governor or for the clergy, on these items, and these alone, (be Royul Assrnt will be necessary. Considering the realty infantine state of these new settled colonies, and the fact that they are but just feeling their way not only to se'f-povesnment, but even to a political existeive and social organization, this seems as large a concession as the colonies themselves would be wise to requhe. When it is ie't to ihem to fix the salaiies of the whole Executive, excepting only that ol the Governor him elf, one s. j es by the li,ht of European .oht'cs how much control is left in their hands. I' has bie'i demanded for them that they should also have what is called " a responsible" Executive ; that is, dependent foi office on the vote of the Legislative Council. In the present state of things we can easily imagine (hit such a conces ion would thiow all Austral a into the hands of political agitatnis and rob it of that tranquillity so needful to infant colonie*. It is to no purpose to Fay that Canada enjoys the privilege and use it without any luinous cons, quences. Canada ii more than a century in advance of Australia, and in Canada there are peculiar constitutional guarantees, which theie will not be in the Australian colonies even under the new bill. At all events let them work and win their way to a more thoroughly responsible government. The scheme of federation in the present bill appears t) be the sime as that in the bill of last session. Though ihit hai been represented in s-ome quarters as a mere fancy, n wan on encroachment upon the freedom of i ach colo y, and totally incompatible with the gc>giaphical (ircumstonces of Australia, a little consideration w'll show Unit this is really the least original, the hast arbitrary, the least unnecessary part of the me-i sure. Fur some tune past a multitude of circumstances h 8 suggested the necesiity of that common action wh.ch autual federation alone can secure. New South Wales, Port Pluli, 1 , or Victoiia, as it is noir to be styled, and South Australia are but the adjacent shores of one vabt territory, witb the same rivers running through all three; while Van Dicraen's Land lies in still closer proximity to the harbours of Victoria, Without a uniform tariff, and intercolonial free trade, it will be impossible to stop what is now causing great iucoiiveuience and ill blood — a contraband tmffia between the several colonies. Postal arrangements are also now in baud, which wi 1 require proportionate contiibutions. Roads, and even railway?, are intended to connect the colonies. Many lighthonses are nauted, but cannot be built without some common understanding a* to dues. The port-dues, also, press for arrangement. It will soon be necessary to have a Supreme Court of Apptal, in order to prevent diverse and even hostile decisions At this very moment a binguUr quanel is ris 113, which an assembly of delegates alone could d (ermine. When a colony has pud from lbs produce of its land sales for the immigration of picked labouiers, it of.en fin Is that they leave the colony for another. So keenly is this felt that it has been even proposed to detain such immigrants tilt they have refunded the money paid for thi'm — a course not only contiary to all notions of Biitish law, but absolutely impossib'e. If this system of emigration is to continue it is obvious there must be some amicable agreement as to the apportionment of its costs. Federaiioa, then, is, a pla'ii necessity, and not an ambitious invention ; nnd all the credit tbat can be churned for our Gavjrument is that they hare not shown themselves indifferent to the growing demands of our cohnies. They may indeed think themselves fortunate that so grtat a work, and one so likely to hand down to the remotest posterity the names if its authors, has fallen to their lot. Such prizes do not come without fighting for them. In the unexump'ed difficulties of our colonial ddniistration Lord John Russell anJ his collea»u3S hive hippiiy discovered a great opportuaity, and lud the courage to avail themselves of it.