THE SOCIETY FOR THE REFORM OF COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. [From the "Colonial Magazine," January, 1850.]

New Zealander, Volume 5, Issue 424, 8 May 1850, Page 3

THE SOCIETY FOR THE REFORM OF COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. [From the " Colonial Magazine," January, 1850.]

A prospectus has been placed in our hands issued by a society entitled, "The Society for the Reform of Colonial Government." The first council consist , for the most part, of members of the two Homes of Parliament, and comprises men whoie names stand among those of the leaders of the most opposite political parties and factions of the day. The chairman is the Hon. Thomas Barinp. A coalition between hostile politics] parties has always a significant meaning, It is inranably ominous, often dangerous. Such uuions ha?e been the forerunner of some of the most important eventi in the political history of England. A union between parties for the purpose of forming a Government is a different fact, and has a different inetrpretation, from such a union between parties in opposition. There is a positive necessity, according to the system of our Constitution, that some Government shall exist, capable of carrying on the affairs of the countrysome Government composed of men capable, in point of intellectual capacity, of conducting the various and difficult operations which are intruded to the Minisfen of the Crown, and at the nme time possessed of such ■tatioD and character as to offer an acceptable qua. ruu:ee to the country for the faithful and honest fu|.

fitment of the requirements of the public service. If there'exists no party whose leaders satisfy these .fiotiI ditions— if no faction ii able to furimh a working I Administration, a coalition becomes inevitable; and such an arrangement is usually facilitated by the fatal and invidious influence which the prospect of office «nd the gratification of ambition exercise to persuMle men that political principles may be relinquished and political contrarieties reconciled. A union between parties in opposition bears a widely different character ; no immediate practical necessity compels the maintenance of an unremitting and organized opposition. When men are permanently incapacitated by the almost universal hostility of their politcial faith, from holding office together, no sinister motive can be attributed, should they l)e found leaguing themselves for the accomplishment of some one object which is embraced within the circumference of both their creeds. Such a compact between rivil parties can only be accomplished when the common object for which they unite is of overwhelming importance, and the common principle for which they unite is of overwhelming importance, and the common principle in which they agree is one founded on indisputable truth. The union between certain of the Proiictionists and the Radicals, which it appears from the prospectus before us, has been effected in the " Society for the Reform of Colonial Government," is a union «f the latter kind. The prospectus state* th<tt " the general object of the tocietj is to aid in obtaining: for every dependency which is a true colony of England, the real and sole mauagement of all local affairs by the colony itself;" and declares that "according to the views of the society, this municipal or local independence, instead of being incompatible with allegiance to the Crown of England, is redly calculated to substitute for growing disaffection, and for the present danger of a dismemberment of the British empire, a loyal and devoted attachment on the part of the colonies towards the mother country." The society also states its belief that " a new aud powerful encouragement to colonization prorerding from the United Kingdom" will follow the adoption of its principles, and put* it forward as "a main object of the society's endeavours to relieve the mother country from the whole expense of the local government of colonies, except only that of the defence of the colony from aggression by foreign Powers at war with the empire." Hence there are two main points in view :— firit* the local or municipal independence of the colonies, with a view to their better government ; secondly. tne relief of Great Britain from an unequal jind Unnecessary burden of taxation In these, Tories and Radicals art for once agreed, thry have a common object in view; they arrive at the same result, by different routes it is true, but still they do arrive at the same re* suit, anrltbey have determined to act in common to bring it ab mt. The ie ult involve! an entire revolution in the whole existing system of colonial government. Four parties may be said to be interested in the present conjuncture of colonial politics :— 1. The official or Whig party. 2. The Tory or Imperial party. 3 The Radical or economical party. 4. The colonist! themselves ; of these the laat three are in league agsinst the first. First, there is a party of the Colonial Office, the officiilistl to whom power is sweet and patronage is valuable. There is at the prerent moment nearly conterminous with the Whin party. These men do not deny that certain improvements are advisable in the mode of governing severnl of our dependencies but asiert that the exisMng machinery is quite adequate for effecting .whatever changes may be necessary. Their leader, the Colonial Secretary, having been a violent coloqjal reformer all his life, has so far modified his views as to mistrust all reforms of which he is not himself the origlntter, and the office over which he presides the executor. The Whig party believe, a* far ns they can be raid to believe anything, that it may not be unndTisablejihat some few of our colonies|should be trusted with pnr'itlly free constitutions, and that in iuch the element* of responsible government may be cautiously and judiciously recognized ; but that the " imperial authority," the controlling and restraining powers of the Colonial Office, and above all, (he pat* ronage, should be left untouched as sacred mysteries. With this view Tories and Radicals both join issue, 1 although upon distinct grounds. The characteristic of Toryism is Us belief in the ancient institutions of the couutry ; its philosophy deals with, and justice to itself, a faith in the principles of which those institutions are the external mani- ' festntion. Of all parts of the ancient system (Pf England, none has attracted more attention — none been more distinctly recognized by the Tory party, than J the municipal principle. In the mind of the To y this was the ancient mode of distributing gnyod government throughout a community, or a system of communities, and of bringing it home, to thedoorsof the people ; and he views it as distinctly opposed \o the system of centralization and of bureaucracy, which he conceives to be mod m, and to be the result of Whig philosophy. He regards France a* the model of central government ; and having lit' le admiration for the results of government in that country, he turns up all his detestation of the bureaucratic system in on" word— ■un-English, By the municipal principle the Tory understands the delegation of the supreme autlio- ' rity in the state of such portion of its power's to local and subordinate authorities as may be considered requisite for the manHgement of purely local " ffairi It wai in that spirit that the charters of old were issued by the sovereign power— by this method the nw'ns acquired their corporate independence — and it was in pursuance to this ancient principle that the most detpotic of our Kings committed to the colonies, which went oat in these days, the power to frame all su^h laws as to them might seem fit for the good gove nment of the communities they were about to establish. It is not to be wondered at, then, that those of the Tory pnrty who look beyond the mere external forms of national institution* to the principles which those forms represent, ihould recognise in the present system of governing a multitude of distant communities, by a deipotic and irresponsible central power in Down-ing-street, a direct violation of that theory of delegated municipal authority which they believe to be contained as a necessary element in the English conititutional oy tern. The town of Manchester has lately voted £450,0J0 for the purpose of supplying itself with water. They consult no one but themselves when thsy do so, The governor of a colony cannot lay out the tithe of so many pence without the sanction of » Secretary of State that lives at a distance of half the gbbe. It is not to be wondered at, then, "that the Tory ptrty should perceive the necessity of an entire change" in the present mode of governing the colonies, aid that they should accept the '* Society for the Reform of Colonial Government" as a ready and constitutional agency for recalling the empiie, in a time of unexampled difficulty and danger, from a system which hns resulted in discontent and disaffection throughout the who'e colonial world, to those ancient and wise principles of government, which, in their belief, bare raised the country to the highest pinnacle uf greatness and glory amongst the nations, and by a return to which alone that gr< atnesi and glory can be preferred.

With these feeHnp there is not probably in individual of the Tory .or party who will not follow tbe example of •&#& Stoff.rd, Mr. Napier, Mr. Walpole, and Mr ,B jripcf in j lining the new society But the namei of Sir W. Moleswortb, Mr. CoWeo, and Mr. Hume, alio appear on the council. Let vi see how these gentlamen, and the Radicals generally, will justify (( their union, with their bitter political opponents. Mr. C.ofjden has saved us the trouble of any lefngthenedidiscuisfon of this point. He has given, in hid late speech atßiadford, a rooit masterly exposition of the view? of hit party in rehtion to colonial govern* ment. Mr. tfob.den's view is ajn extremely simple and straightforward one ; it is the ( same is that put forth by Sir W. Molesworth in his speeches in Parliament, and at the Colonial Reform dinner at the end of last sesMon. The Radical*, setting aside all highflown principles , content themnelveSjwith asking— Does colonial government succeed economically ?— does it pay ?— are you working the concern at a profit, or at a lots ? And then Miey show, beyond all doubt or dispute, that yo» are carrying- on your colonial affairs at an enormous sacrifice — a sacftfice demanded from the labouring classes in this count) y. Now this is an argument to which, as far a« it goes, there is no reply. If colonies cannot be made and maintained without entailing a great burden on this country, what is the use of making them at all ? It is replied at once that they are oeiessary to relieve England of its surplus population. But the Uni'eri States of America, which do not coat us a farthinp, take mora of our surplus population off our hands than a!l our colouies put together, for which we are pnl to an enormous annual expense. It may be quite true that the argument of the Radicals does not take in S.me of the most important considerations which enter into the question as a whole j but as far as it goes, it is satisfactory and irresistible. It is no business of ours whether the teat npplied by the Radicals to tbe colonial system is a better or a worse one than that applied by the Tories ; both are satisfactory to their respective advocates. The system breaks down whatever be the test applied. Tha Tories, perhaps may think that their new friends adopt a rather mean and narrow rule of human conduct when, they measure the moral and political Value of every action or policy by its relation to the pocket— by its equivalent in pounds, shillings, and pence. They n»«J»,perhapi, witness *rith some indignation the cooN ness with which their allies from Manchester talk of the uselessuess of the colonies, or the sneer which sometimes escapes (hem when they speak of the imperial greatness and glory of their country. Radicals^ on the other band, will, perhaps, look with something of a business-like contempt at men who search ttie records ot history and study the principles of their ancestors, to disprove what may be disproved by an argument ready nt their hands— an argument which cannot bp answered, and is, therefore, sufficient. They do not think it worth their while to go into the constitutional question ; they are satisfied with tke economical one. A Tory will differ from the Radical who says that under no circumstances ought tbe people of this country to pay for the maintenance of foreign empire ; but he will cordially agree with him in checking an expenditure which is resulting, not in the maintenance of tmpire but in its dissolution. A Radical will differ from a Tory as to tbe grounds upon, which the wisdom of delegating a portion of the supreme authority to distant and subordinate communities may be argued, because the Radical believes that all power emanates from tbe people, and that the inhabitants of tb« colonies have an inherent and indefeasible right to govern themselves ; but he will not trouble himself about tha principles upon which the change is to be made, so that is is made, and he will cordially co-operate with • Tory in pulling down tbe most complete and uncntested despotism in the Western hemispherer-the des* potiira of the Colonial Office. But we have spoken of a forth party who are Interested in this struggle ogoinit officialism— the colonists. The Society for the Reform of Colonial Government invites each of the colonies to appoint an agent to communicate with it, snd to aid it in the endeavour to obtain for each the political privileges to which it is entitled. The name of Mr. Adderley in the list of the Council is a sufficient guarantee that the interests of colonists will be amply represented ( and we shall be greatly deceived if there exists a single dependency of England which will not answer promptly and loudly to the call. • Thertklonista— of all parties the most deeply interested in the issue of the struggle— without perhaps, ( fully appreciating the reasoning of the Tory, without sympathising with the somewhat ■elfish principle of tho Radical, supply an argument to both and to the whole country, to which (here can be no reply and to which ail should take deed. •The colonists say, "We will not per g it y»ur present system to continue any longer. If you are deter* mined to maintain it, it must be by the sword." They have not said to in «o many words, but there are significant murterings ominously intelligible to the statesman, from which but one meaning can he gathered. The colonists will not submit to the government of Downing-strrct II we do U"t destroy it they will. So it has come to this at last — if this country does not pull down the Colonial Offi c, the Colonial Office will pull down the empire ! British colonist* say they will not be tuxed without their own consent ; and why should they ? They say they will not obey laws to which they have not given their consent ; and why <-hould they ? They will not be kept in doubt whilst a ship circumnavigates the globe, as to what is to be the law or what is not. They" will not allow (heir hard earned fortunes to be made the sport of the ignorance or the ohntanacy of a Government over whose actions they have no coutrol— hey will not allow their lands to be made your penitentiaries and gaols. It is not now, thereto c, a simple question, whether we ought to maintain our present system* We cannot maintain it. No power on earth can now probng its existence. And it \» the consciousness that matters cannot remain in their present condition — that thers is an absolute necessity to do something without delay— that if time be lost, the Brittsh Colonial empire will be no more. This alarming conviction it is which, impressing itself on the minds of all who are acquainted with colonial matters, has combined into ona the most discordant elements, and united in a pa. triotic alliance men of the most opposite political principles. But thqre is one roan and one party whom this conviction ha* n t reached^-the Colonial Minister and hit friends. Administered by wise heads, the power of the Colonial Office might go' on for some time longer. Lord Grey tightened tbe rein* and it has snspped. Still he drives unconsciously on— defeat and mortification irritate his temper, without shaking his obstinacy or mending his judgment, But an arbU trary, an indolent rule has hastened ou the crisis, which has called into existence this, new society.— Macauley says, speaking of tbe Kings of England, "The talent, and even, tbe virtues* of her first six French Kings, were a cu.se to Iw— the follies and vices of the seventh wen* her stlvaton." In this respect Lord Grey is the King J hn of tbe colonies