MR. E. G. WAKEFIELD'S LETTER TO MR. H. PETRE.

New Zealander, Volume 5, Issue 406, 6 March 1850, Page 3

MR. E. G. WAKEFIELD'S LETTER TO MR. H. PETRE.

THE SOUTHERN COLONIES : THEIR MUNICIPAL ANNEXATION OR THEIR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE. Reigate, 20th Sept., 1849. My dear Henry Petre— ln continuation of my letter to you of the 16th April, which was originally sent by the Cornwall, and in duplicate by the Pckin, I now write by the Berkshire, on the most important of the subjects of the former communication. You will readily understand, that during the recess of f arliament, uptliing very important can have taken

place here with respect to the question of questions fjr the colonisti of New Zealand. I hear, indeed, thu the Canterbury Association has addressed Lord Grey on the subject of local self-government for the islands, urging that the progress of their great colonising enterprise depends on his compliance with their deiire, that at least the intended settlement of Canterbury should poisess representative institutions. They cannot but know, that it is impossible to induce many of that higher class of emigrant! for whom their settlement is specially intended, to quit this free country with a prospect of undergoing political slaveiy in a colony. But I also hear that their letter to the Colonial Minister, though written more than two months ago, remains unanswered ! During the recess of Parliament, applications of this kind may be cast aside by the Colonial Office as unworthy of notice. It would be idle to repeat an application which has been received with such marked contempt. From the Colonial Office, from the Government, from the influence of public opiaion in this country, I expect nothing good for the colonists till Parliament shall meet again and not much then. So far as my experience goes' Parliament never seriously attends to a colonial question, except only when the question is used for party purposes in this country. On such occasions, as when Lords Brougham and Lyndhurst attacked Lord Durham's Canadian Ordinances, and Lord Melbourne yielded the point in a way to deeply injiue his rival — or when as Lord Grey (then Howick) and the Whigs baited Lord Stanley for two years about New Zealand affairs — Parliament takes a lively interest in the colonial matter. Dj you think that it was any thing but strong party feeling heie, without any regard to New i Zealand, that enabled us, in 1845, to make a debate in the House of Commons on New Zealand affairs, that lasted three days ? On that occasion, as on all others that I can recollect when Parliament gave time and at. tention to a colonial topic, the topic itself— the interest of the colony — was merely the battle-field of the Ins and Outs at home. Nor is this to be wondered at. It is in the nature of things, that the Pailinment of this country should never care intrinsically, so to speak, about a distant colony. And unfoitunately at the present time, the state of parties in this country is such as to forbid the hope of beine able to get up in Parliament an extrinsic or pirty inttrest in any colonial question. If we had n Military relying for support on iti party alone, and if, accordingly, we had an organized Opposition looking to office, the case would be different. Indeed if parties at home were in their or. dinary state, the present stute of our colonial empire would furnish the Opposition with many excellent op« pnrtunities of attacking the Government ; and the colonies could not but gain, as New Zealand did in 1845, by these party conflicts at home. As it is, I see no chance of any party movement at herne in favour of the colenies. The Colonial Office, and above all the obstinate Lord Grey, cares for nothing but an adverse vote in Parliament. Never, in my lecollection, was the Oflice so free as it is now, to disregard the prayers, and ruin the interests of the colonies. At the same time, I beg of the colonists to understand that 1 do not withdraw a former expression of hope, that next session of Parliament will produce some good for the Southern Coloniei in general. Although party motives there are none just now, for in« ducing politicians at home to work for the colonies, yet the number of those who, like Sir William Molesworth and Mr. Adderley, are zealous colonial reformers without party moiives, is continually increasing. The discussions in Parliament last Session, the unremitting efforts of a few as propagators of the faith in colonial fitness for self-government, and, above all, the discontented state of many colonies ; all these things conspire to enlarge and strengthen the little band of earnest ( Colonial Reformers. We are acting, too, with more concert and co-operation than 1 remember to have ex-isU-d before. I have reason to think, that at the openin? of the Setsion next year, a carefully prepared bill will be submitted to the House of Commnni, for giving to all the coloniei of the South— that is. South Afiica, the Australias, Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand — institutions of government in accordance with the Adderley Resolutions of last Sessions. The principles of the intended Bill are not quite settled ; for whilst we all agree in the necessity of representative institutions, and of placing under the exclusive legis'ative and executive jurisdiction of colonial govern, ments, all subjects not specifically withheld as being of imperial concern, some of us are of opinion, that instead of lottlmg the form of colonial government, Parliament would do wisely to bestow constituent authority on the colonies — that is, authority to settle themselves the form of their governments. To this course, I, for one, am strongly inclined, for the three reasons which follow : first, because uniform consti. tuent legislation here, for places so various and distant, muit of necessity be full of blunders and the seeds of dissatisfaction ; secondly, because the trouble of endeavouring to make here an acceptable constitution of government for people so distant from us and so much out of our knowledge, wou'd be interminable : that is, in other words, the work of constitution-making would be a sort of amusement and make-believe, without practical result: and lastly, because the plan of letting colonies make and alter their own constitutions at pleasure, is recommended by its success in the great days of English colonisation. The advocates of constituent local authority contemplate proposing, that the colonies of the South shall, like the emigrant founders of New England, have a delegation of authority from Parliament, empowering them " from time to time to make, ordain, and establish all manner of [ laws, statutes, orders, directions, and instructions whatsoever, as well for settling the forms and ceremonies of government and magistracy, as for the naming and ttyling of all sorts of officers, both superior and inferior." But thii proposal will not be adopted : it will only lead to useful discussion next year : neither this nor any other proposal for really emancipating the colonies from subjection to Downing- street, will have practical results, until the colonists take the matter into their own hands. Expect no really efficient help on this side of the world. " Help yourselves and Heaven will help you." Leave off crying to a deaf Jupiter, and put your own shoulder to the wheel. This brings me to an event which does promise greatly for the Southern Colonies. Be sure that it did not happen here. It can only be of service to the colonies because it did not happen here, but there. I allude to the resistance of South Africa ta Lord Grey's j icheme of convict emigration. This is a signul instance of colonial self-reliance. The colonists having no friends here, and not blindly fancying that they have some, take the question into their own handi. They have settled it by handling it themselves. By their high feeling for the honour and moral welfare of their country, they have proved themselves worthy of self-government ; aud their fitness for it is proved by their unanimity, their reiolution, their prudence, and their power. Behold them acting as one man, immovable by either threat or cujolety, cautious to avoid violence which would have given their Government an advantage over thtin, and yet, or rather therefore, successful. As respects convict emigration, they have taken self-government. Of course it will not stop there. The people ot South Africa, roused to self relianco by thii iniquity of their Government, have discovered their own strength, and will surely u3e it for

other and more important purpose*. Tliay have taught a great lesson to the other colonies. They have shown that neglected and injured colonists have at their disposal a sure means of r«dreis; namely, the excommunication of their Government. Exocirmunicate the Government! Honour be to the people of the Cape for this potent invention. This, however, is not a weapon to he lightly used. It is only fit for great occasion!, when the opinion «>f the community is almost unanimous. Nor do I insist that this is specially the very best means by which a colony may be more than a match for its distant and tyrannical Government. It is the principle of the Cape plan of action which I so much admire : passive resistance in perfection. I am persuaded that it is only by means of such passive resistance to their Governments as shall render distant bureaucratic rule impossible, that the colonists of the Sou'h will obtain institutions of real self-government. Particular mode 3 and measures of resistance pre infinitely umerous, though just now, judging from its BUrcess,rsuppoBethe|Capeplau of excommunicating the Government to be the best. But whatever mode may be preferred, the simultaneous adoption of it by all the colonies of the South would add immensely to its fore«. Union in each colony — union among the colonies — both for tin purpose of paisive resistance to Downing-stieet until Parliament; shall allow the colonies to manage their ov/n pfF.-iir'j, including the making of their o^n merely local constitutions—this is my general notion of a plan which would surely accomplish its object. The leading colony, which is New South Wales, should take the lead : or rather I mean, speaking for New Zealand, tint I" trust the youngest of the Southern Colonies would be content with the humblest place in that association oc voluntary confederation of the group, which if it were cautiously and yet firmly managed, would overcome the tribe of Mothercountn, and soon make Polynesia the most loyal, as well as the most prosperous portion of the colonial empire of England. But surely the political slaves of the Cape would not be left out of this confederation or convention, which had in no small measure grown out of their brave and wipe proceedings. The example of that colony is most worthy to be followed. The people of the Caps utterly set aside the rivalries and jealousies of race which have hitherto distracted them, in order to carry their one grand point. They have never been jealous of other colouies ; and I see with real pleasure, by tbe recent newspapers of Australia and New Zealand, that in, that whole group, intercolonial jealousy seems to be dying out. It was high time. You are all Englishmen, enduring a common misery, struggling for a common birthright. Will you let the Dutchmen of the Cape surpass you in sense and courage ? These lait, with their fellow-colonists of British origin, all pulling- together in' order to escape what they deem a national " disgrace ami affliction," ere stronger than the despotic Colonial Office; they will beat LoidGiey in spite of his dogged self conceit, and of that state of parties at home which makes it idle for a colony to appeal to Parliament, Will the rich and geographically independent colonies of Australasia do less? I long and expect to hear, that the Cape affair has moved them to vigorous effort iv concert ; and I earnestly pray that New Zealand may be represented by delegates sent to some central spot, to confer and combine with delegates from New South Wales, Port Phillip, Tasmania, and South Australia. This meeting: of my dreams and waking hopes, would make tbe Southern Colonies free colonies, though more than ever part, because an attached pait, of the British empire. Anticipating that some such colonial league mey take place before you can receive this letter, I venture ti> say to the delegates, be assured that a mere repetition of the old cours3 of petitioning will be of no avail. A petition to Parliament from the colonies is mere waste parchment, except when we can turn its prayer into a party question at home: and that, we cannot do in the present state of home parties. You might as well send black skins, as skins bearing your remonstrances and prayers. Just now, the public mind at home is not susceptible of being affected by colonial petitions for the action of Parliament in favour of the colonies. But the public mind at home is in a state with regard to the colonies, which affords you the opportunity of making a most favourable impression on it. There is a large and growing party, which deiires that the colonies shall be independent. This la ty has sprang up during the last|three years, in consequence of the troubled sttvte of most of the colonies since Lord Grey and Mr. Hawes took the reins in Dotfnm:j-Btreet. It was supposed that when those eager Colonial Reformers got into office, that at length, there would be an end lo the Bufferings and discontents of the colonies. Instead of this, the colonies suffer moie than ever from Downing-street government, and are more than ever troubled and discontented. The conclusion is, that good government of the colonies as dependencies is impossible. Jdo not hold* this doctrine ; but it has spread for and wide, and is still spreading. One hears continually among men of all ranks and parties such talk as this—" Hang the colonies : they are a nuisanco and a plague : the sooner we get rid of them the better.'' And so at length siy I, after twenty years of striving to extend and consolidate the coloni.U Empire of Englaud ; but I gay it with a condition. The condition is, provided we can. not get good municipal government— real local selfgovernment—for the colonies as part of the British empire. Can we ? lam not sure. lam sure, after hoping to the contrary for twenty years, that we cannot get a good administration of the waste lands by Doivning-street ; and therefore I have finally joined those who would hand over to the colonies aloae ths administration of the waste lands. But the oiher question is not yet settled. It will, probably, be deteimined next year; and I can think of nothing so likely to occasion its determination in favour of the greatness of the great empire which we are all proud of belonging to, as a call upon this nation by the colonies of the South, to choose between tree municipal government for them and their complete independence. Say to England, either let us manage our own local affairs, including the making and altering of all local laws, and the appointment and removal of all local officers, as used to be the case in the New England colonies ; cither annex us to Old England by a tie that we should be proud and happy to preserve, or in mercy cast us loose to shift for ourselves as independent nations. A petition conveying this prayer^ would not be wholly inopenive. It would have the deiired effect in proportion to the unanimity of the colonies, lo^tlieir organization for obtaining ono or other of the objects of their prayer, and to the degree in wh'ch. the/ impeded and barasied, by pasiive resistance, Jthe arbitrary governments which are converting them into enemies of the mother country. The people of the Cape have shown you how to proceed. Your friends here will, early next session, get up in Parliament some discus'-iou of the whole question of municipal government for the Southern Colonies ; but more than this they cannot do for you. Eschew false reli« ances. Prove that you are fit to manage all your own afFairs, by managing well this the most important of them, I remain, my dear H. Petre, Ever your's most truly, E, G, WakEFWD,