The New-Zealander.

New Zealander, Volume 5, Issue 357, 20 September 1849, Page 2

The New-Zealander.

He just aii'l feat not: Let all the ends tliou amib't at, be thy Country's, 'lliy Con's, and J'uitli's.

TII URSDA V, S E l J '1 E M 1) E It 20, J 8 4 9

By the Oriental Queen we have received English news to the 15th of May. Our file is still defective, however. No doubt this is chiefly owing to the non arrival of the Richard Dart, respecting which, we have had no information ; and it would be useless to hazard conjectures. It will be found that portions of the intelligence which we give in the following summary, and in extracts in other columns, ate of considerable importance.

The great question of the Repeal of the Navigation Laws — great, not only in its intrinsic importance, (for it affects the interests of about 213,000 seamen, 80,000 artificers, and fifty or sixty millions of capital,) but also in its bearing on the existence of the Ministry, whose ejection from office might, in the present nondescript state of political parties, be followed "by results of a very embarrassing character, — was decided in the House of Lords, so far as a vote on the second reading of the Bill could decide it, on the Bth of May, (or rather at four or five o'clock on the morning of the 9th,) by a majority of ten in favour of the second reading. The numbers were, — for the measure, present, 105, proxies, 08 — 173; against it, piesent, 119, proxies, 44 — 1(53. It will thus be seen that although the available majority for legislative pin poses was in favour of the measure, the majouty of Peers who were present, who heaid the discussion,

and who therefore may be considered the most competent judges of the merits of the case, was on the other side. Moreover, with regard to the constitution of the actual majority, the Herald, (the leading morning organ of the Protectionists) says :—": — " When it is for a moment considered that every effort of solicitation and entreaty, that alternate blandishments and menaces were had recourse to, that the very highest influence has been excited to render favourable, or, failing that, to render neutral — the aged, the timid, or the pale and colourless politician, it is not wonderful that the most unscrupulous, — the most greedy — the most grasping — the most place.loving — and decidedly the most incapable ministry that ever existed in England, weie enabled — by every dirty, every discreditable and every disingenuous act — to piocuie the small and miserable majority of ten." The Standard, (the evening organ of the same party), also says that it was " a majority scraped together by means the most unscrupulous aud unconstitutional ever resorted to by a Ministry in extremis — ambassadors collected, menaces most industriously circulated, and even the influence of Royalty claimed and employed for the purpose of coercing the doubtful and hesitating into a vole repugnant to their judgment and their conscience." This, however, is language such as we frequently hear from the vanquished in political strife ; and the insinuation respecting " Royalty " is stiongly contradicted by other papers. At all events, the vole is not so decisive of the ultimate fate of the measure as some may suppose. In committee proxies are not allowed ; and there, the Bill could be thrown out clause by clause, or so altered as wholly to frustrate its object. But, on the other hand, in a subsequent stage, when proxies aie available, it could be changed back again, if their lordships should not deem it infra dig. to do and undo after such a fashion. Meanwhile, the piessure from without, (which, as indicated by petitions, was vast 7 y stronger against than for the Repeal,) was to be continued and increased. " The duty ojf the people in this matter," exhorts the Herald, "is very clear. Let all the out-posts, from the Shetland Islands down to Port Patrick, from Newcastle and Berwick down to Plymouth and Falmouth, from Belfast and Londonderry down to Newport and Cowes, down even to St. Hillier's and Jersey, meet and petition against the third reading of the Bill, and if such petitions cannot be presented in time, let them by all means be laid at the foot of the Throne." The Spectator, which advocated the measure, and (after this division) regarded its success as secure, observes, "It is not to be supposed, that the shipping interests in England can altogether escape loss in the transaction ; but in what degree even they will be affected is very uncertain ; and there is every reason to rely on the energy and invention of those who carry on the trade which is the last to lose the old legislative protection, to make all square in the end." The second reading of Lord John Russell's Bill for the admission of Jews to Parliament, was carried in the House of Commons, against an amendment proposed by Sir R. 11. Inglis, by a majority of 93, — the numbers being, for the second reading, 278; against it, 185. The fate of the measure, (the passing of which would deeply wound the consciences of great numbers of the "most ardent religious friends of " the ancient people,") would now depend on the House of Lords, and there mainly on the course pursued by the Bishops ; — the lay-lords being willing to shield themselves as far as might be from the trouble of investigating, and the responsibility of acting on the question, by professedly following the guidance of the spiritual Peers. On reference to the votes of last year, we find that their lordships rejected the Jewish Disabilities Bill by a majority of 1 83 to 1 68. The third reading in the Commons had been carried by 234 voices over 173. The Irish Rate -in -Aid Bill was discussed at some length in the House of Lords on the 1 lth of May. The second reading was carried, but only by a majority of one, the numbers being Contents, 48 ; Non-Contents, 47. Sir William Moleswoith had stated the terms of his intended motion, which it will be seen were sufficiently comprehensive to raise the whole question of Colonial affairs. He would move for the appointment of a Royal Commission " to inquire into the Government of our Colonial possessions, with a view to the removal of the existing complaints of maladministration, to the reduction of the cost of Colonial government, and to the encouragement of colonization." The ingenuity of the first legal skill had been fruitlessly employed in Smith O'Brien's writ, of Error case. In accordance with the unanimous opinion of the Judges, the House of Lords decided that the error could not be maintained, and that the judgment of the Couit below must be confirmed. With reference to the State prisoners, the Dublin Correspondent of the (London) Morning Herald, under date May 14th, says, — " It is said that tins day the Judgment of the House of Lords on Messrs. OBrien and M'Manus will be enrolled in the Irish Queen's Bench, and to-monow they u ill be transfened to Spike Island in the Dragon steamer, preparatory to then deportation to the penal colony selected as their place of exile by the (jrovernment ,"

The accounts from Ireland continue gloomy. Destitution, disease, and agricultural depression still prevail. The great fair of Ballinasloe (which is a grand test of the state of the farmer's condition and prospects) was, we are told, " the most disastrous that has ever taken place." Extracts showing the geneial condition of Ireland will be found in our other columns.

It needed but little political sagacity to foresee that the excitement in Canada produced by the Indemnity Bill, — a measure for giving compensation to those who suffered losses in the rebellion of 1837-8 — in other words for paying' the disloyal, (that is, the French party in Lower Canada,) at the expense of public funds mainly supported by the loyal, (that is, the English colonists through the United Provinces,) — would not pass away so innocuously as the sanguine predicted, or the half ignorant and half asleep dreamed. What though, so lately as the beginning of May, the Ministerial leaders, in both Houses of Parliament gave assurance that " the excitement had abated," and pronounced eulogies on the peaceable and loyal disposition of the people, and lecommended that the matter should be left to Lord Elgin's "unfettered discretion," and hinted that a discussion of it in the Imperial Legislature would be an impertinent meddling with the privileges of " local self-government" — the words had scarcely died upon their lips, — the ink in which they were recorded in the newspaper reports had scarcely dried — when the credulous were staitled, and the apathetic aroused, by the following announcement, which Aye copy from the (London) Morning Herald of May 15 :—: — " Outbreak in Canada, — Attack on Lord Elgin — Burning; of the Parliament House. " According to the advices to hand, we learn that the long debated Indemnity Bill received the assent of the Governor General on the 25th ult , (April). " On the news being published, riot immediately began. The mob became infuriated — dtove the Members of Assembly from the Parliament house, — attacked Lord Elgin, whom they publicly pelted with eggs, and severely abused many of the more prominent supporters of the Bill. Not contented with thus treating his Lordship, and the Members of the Legislature, they set fire to the Parliament House, and now the building, library, archives, and entiie premises are a heap of ruins. The police and firemen were called upon to interfere, in the hope of saving the building, but they flatly refused. When the last advices left, the greatest excitement continued to prevail. A general spirit of discontent was manifested, and the immediate recall of the Governor-General was loudly demanded, as the only concession which could satisfy the popular feeling, if even that would suffice. Several arrests for high treason had taken place. Amongst them are some of the most influential inhabitants of the colony. Through the United States the press is much occupied with the state of Canadian affaits, and for the moment California ceases to be prominent." The history of the measure which has led to this movement is lucidly given in an article in the Spectator, (which we have partly in type, but are obliged to postpone till our next ;) and which we commend to the attentive perusal of our readers, as a careful digest of valuable preliminary information on this subject of stirring interest. It would be fallacious however, to regard the Indemnity Bill as the actual and original cause of the outbreak. That measure, repugnant as it is to the principles and feelings of the British population, does really little more than furnish a convenient occasion for the practical development of that disaffection which has been growing up since the French party gained the ascendancy, and which exists aud operates most powerfully amongst those who, twelve years ago, were the faithful and devoted friends of British connection. Men, who once would have freely shed their blood in resistance to the annexation of Canada to the United States, now look upon the idea with complacency, and speak of it familiarly and in a business-like manner. How strongly the current is running may be inferred from this single sentence in the Montreal Courier, " Let the Parliament pass the Bill, let the Governor sanction it if he pleases ; but while there is axe and rifle on the frontier, and Saxon hands to wield them, these losses will not be paid." To the same effect, the Montreal correspondent of the J'oronto Patriot says, " We have endeavoured to ascertain the causes which have led to so sudden and apparently complete a revolution in the sentiments of the party who previously used to speak so disparagingly of the American people and their institutions. The result of our inquiries has been to convince us beyond a doubt that the idea of annexing Canada to the United States has been embraced by this party after fully examining its own position, if not that of the country." And, once moie, the Toronto Examiner says, " The question of annexation is the great topic of the social circle. It is a thing of which men speak, as of a family atrangement, to one another. With a great many it begins to be considered the question. Men think soberly upon it, and speculate upon its advantages, which they weigh against the disadvantages. The last year has witnessed a complete revolution in the sentiments of at

least one political party. The question is every where mooted by the Tories." Meanwhile, the project meets with large and warm sympathy in the United States. Indeed the American journalists write of the annexation of Canada as an event sure to come sooner or later, the only questions heing as to the time when it will take place, and the mode in which it will be brought about. Some of them scarcely condescend to mention England at all in their discussions on the matter. We cannot, however, lose sight of the more thin possibility that this Canadian movement may embroil England in a war with America, which might prove worse than many of those conflicts with European powers from which she has lately been so remarlcably preserved would have been. May the peril be averted !

Regarding, as we do, the armed interfe" rence of France with the concerns of Rome as utterly unjustifiable, we learn, with a feeling akin to gratification, that General Oudinot's forces experienced a humiliating repulse, on their attempting to take posses* sion of the city. The Roman soldiers and people united in strenuous and, so far, successful resistance to the invaders— [or such, with all their piofessions of friendship, they undoubtedly were. Their loss is variously reported, hut certainly was considerable ; the Roman accounts say 1500 in killed, wounded, and prisoners. They had retired on Pohdoro and Palo, where, on the 4th of May, they were awaiting reinforcements. The Romans ghe evidence of a fixed determination to resist to the last the restoration of the Pope as their temporal Ruler. The Assembly had declared itself permanent-, and voted a protest, which was forwarded to Geneial Oudinot, denouncing the interference of France. The Triumvirs had addressed a spirited appeal to the people who responded by declaring that they would wade knee-deep in blood rather than yield. The great public buildings were said to have been undermined by the citizens, with a view to their being blown up if the invaders should succeed. A vast power was, however, collecting against Rome. According to a telegraphic despatch dated Palo, May 8, Oudinot was about to take up a position which would command the western part of the city. In Paris the Italian interference, and the check it had thus received, produced a deep and general sensation. A Committee of the National Assembly, by a majority of 328 to 241, adopted a resolution which was tantamount to a vote of censure on the Ministry for employing the expedition, not, as they had promised, for the purposes of arbitration or beneficial help, but to attack the Roman Republic. The excitement was increased by a letter from the President to General Oudinot, in which, in a rather imperial tone, he declared his determination to maintain the national honour, and promised that reinforcements should not be wanting to avenge the " insult" which the French flag had sustained. Indeed, any attempt to defend the conduct of France in this transaction would be vain. Without that combination of political and religious m - lives which might have induced Austria and Naples to take part in the struggle between the Pope and the Romans, France wantonly and hypocritically interfered — not as was pre tended (for it is now very plain that this was but a pretence) to promote the general pacification of Italy, but to crush the liberty of a young Republic, which had just attained that form of Government in which France herself piofesses to glory — and attained it, moreover., in nearly the same way — by the expulsion of a Sovereign. The approaching elections for the newFrench Assembly were to take place on the 13th of May, and excited much attention and speculation. Tlie Government seemed alarmed for the peace of the capital. The Hungarian Parliament, on the 14th of April, unanimously proclaimed the deposition of the Imperial family, and the establishment of the independence of the State of Hungary as a Republic. According to late accounts from the seat of war, the Hungarians were masters of the right bank of the Danube, between Pesth and Comorn. The army was daily reinforced by the Poles.