THE POLICY OF RUSSIA.

New Zealander, Volume 4, Issue 272, 6 January 1849, Page 3

THE POLICY OF RUSSIA.

The following very able document bas been addressed by the Russian Government to ita diplomatic agents in Germany : — The German pi ess, wh»se animosity against Russia appeared to have relaxed for a moment, has lately recommenced buoying itself about us ; and tliose measure* which prudence for our own security has forced us to adopt on our frontiers have given rise to the most unwari anted suppositions and commentHrieS. The language held on this subject in the Assemblies of Germany, though less immoderate and lets positive, neverthe.ess biara the stamp of the same sui mists, My prec dn^ communications on the subject of the political and null ary position of the Ecnpeior have made you sufficiently acquainted with His Majesty's actual intenfoiis to render it unnecessary for me to give you fresh details on this head. You are aware, Sir. that since the origin of the events which, have shaken the centie of Europe, the Emperor laid down for himself u line of conduct trom which he bus not deviated in a single instance — that of not interfering 1 in any manner whatever in the internal affairs ot the countries which desire to modify th<-ir organisation ; of leaving the nations perfectly free to give thimselvesup, without interference on Ins part, to the adoption of political and social experiments ; not to attack any power that shall not in the first instunce have attacked him ; but at the same time resolutely to repel every attempt upon his own internal security, so that it the present territorial equilibrium should be broken or modified in any part, our just interests at least shall not be the sufferers. I Such has been for four months the system adopted ' by the Emperor—such is the system to which he still adheres. But while His Majesty confines hiua-elf to this passive and expectant syste n, he cannot toluntdrily close his eyes tv all those eventualities which may be in embryo in the uutnerous and suJdcn mutations introduced into the order of things which has hitherto reigned in Europe, nor, more especially, to that spirit or hostility, which, in the delirium of change, has recently mani tested itself against us throughout the whole of Geniuny. In fact, that great country had scarcely stated the teims of the pioblera of its unity, when its first thought was an extension of the limits of the Confede-ration-—ita first note, a ciy for war. In the prepara ory meetings of the National German Pdiliament at Frankfort, in the clubs, in pamphlets and public journals, war against Russia has been proclaimed as one of the inevitable necessities of the epoch. To make an alliance offensive and defensive with France has been publicly propounded. We have even been menaced that our Baltic Provinces shall be engulfed in the German nationality, and that the ancient kingdom of Poland shall be re-established in its limits of 1772, in oraer to serve as the eternal ba rur of Europe against what is called the common enemy. To all these provocations, and many others which I sball pass over in silence, have been added direct acts of hostility. I need only refer to the welcome given to the Polish refugees and the gratuitous passage given on the railways, at the expense of the German Go. vernurients themselves, to those bands which arrived from France with the avowed design ot cirrjing devastation and inflection into our territories.

If it had been our object effectively to seek for a pretext for aggression, would not this single fact have formed a most favourable one ? A war deeply to be regretted has been made upon a northern monarchy whose integrity we have guaranteed, and the maintenance of which is indispeuiable to the equilibrium of Europe, which, by the complication! to which it may easily give rise, and by ideas of maritime ambition with which the popular opinion invests it, menaces an attack upon the general peace and the interests of the lateral Povreis of the Baltic. At the same time the insurrection in the Giand Duchy of Posen, and the state of Galicia, might seriously endanger the internal tranquillity of our own provinces. Under present contingencies, and especially under such circumstances, the most common prudence calls for preparation. We have, therefore, concentrated our army on the frontier, in oider to ward off thesf damages which may suddenly «rise from the present and still precarious state of Europe. Our system, however, has been purely one of defence and precaution. We protest that it never had, and that it has not at this moment, any other character. Instead of regarding things from this point of view, and of acknowledging that if we have been obliged to arm, the principal cause was owing to the repeated provocation which had been offered to us, the democratic opinion loves to hurl the charge of ideas of aggression at us. The German press daily teems with the most absurd rumours, and the most odious calumnies have been laid to our charge. More than once these journals have stated that our troops have pasted the frontiers, although they have not lelt their cantonments. There is no insidious design but what is attributed to us — no emeute, no sedition, either in Germany or Sclavonic, which we have not favoured underhand, either by our money, or our agents. The hostility which we are supposed to entertain against Germany, is precisely on a level with what is felt, or rather what it is attempted to create, against us in Germany: If, instead of attributing to us sentiments of hatred which we do not cherish, and of forming conjectures on our p:etended designs, which are without foundation, men would form a more just and true idea of the past, they would likewise understand the present, and see that the enemy they so gratuitously conjure, whom they delight in holding up as a phantom, and against whom a national war is said to be indispensable, has ever been, and is at this moment, if Germany only wishes, animated with sentiments of benevolence and disinterestedness towards her. When, indeed, has Germany had any cause to complain of us ? When have we foimed projects against her independence? When have we even menaced an invasion? What part of her territory have we taken, or even coveted ? During the whole time the continent was groaning under the dominion of a conqueror, Russia shed her blood to assist Germany in the maintenance of her integrity and independence. The Russinn territory had been free for a long time when she continued to follow and to sustain her German allies on all the battle fields of Europe. More recently, in 1840, when war appeared for a moment on the eve of breaking out on the Rhine, we placed our naval ani militaiy forces at their disposal. During the lonj; peace of thirty-three years, the benefits of which are so lightly set aside by the volatile spirit of the present geneiation, we have never ceased to recommend and maintain in Get many concord and unity — not, indeed, tha" material unity which is now I the day-dream of a democratic spirit of levelling «nd aggrandizement, and, which, if it were possible to realise it, at conceived by ambitious theorists, would infallibly, sooner or later, plunge Germany into war with all her neighbours ; but that moral unity, that sincere harmonj of views and intentions in all political question*, which the German confederation formerly treated of. It is in the maintenance of this union, it is the | consolidation of the bonds which unite the German Governments together, which has been our sole aim, because we desire the peace of Europe, and for our opinion th°- surest guarantee of this peace lias ever been lodged m the intimate union of all the Governments which constitute the Germanic Confederation. Whdt we desired hU this time, we desire at the present day Notwithstanding all the defiance and the outrage we have received, it has been impossible to change our dis))os'ni >n. Amid these mad declamations, we know how to distinguish between deliberate and hotheaded m-n, between tiuiplectedulity, «nJ perfidious mal cc, We are sensible of the intoxication and the momentary excitement brought on by events, so unexpected, so sudden, so far beyond, all expectations or surmise. No-v as before, far from desiring trouble, far from seeking to sow dissensions, we desire nothing more for Germany than harmony between the Governments and the people — a harmony soesseutial to preserve her amid the complications which may aiise from abroad, as well as the imminent danger which may proceed from her internal condition. We may have our doubu and our apprehensions as to the result of the great experiments which she at* tempts at this moment tor giving her nationality a greater Jforce and cohesion ; but these doubts and these apprehensions have never transpired beyond the limits of our internal and private opinions. We desue not Ling more than to be speedily reassured ; and if in truth Germany succeeds in solving the problem of her organizition, without prejudice to her internal tranqml.ty, without making the new forrui impressed on her nationality of such a nature us to disturb the repose of other kingdoms, we shall sincerely congratulate ourselves, on the same motives which made us desire to see her powenul and united under her aniient politic al forms. Such being our dispositions of peace and conciliation we cannot but deplore that ihey are responded to by sentiments so adverse. Had we merely to repel the imputations of the demagogue faction, we should not tiouble ouisslves about them, nor should we attach more importance to them than they merit. The asc3rtained intention of this faction is to refuse h priori to see any good intention whatever on our part— at all hazards to embroil the t ountry with us, in ordin 1 by war to excite confusion, from which they hope to reap advantages for their own anaichical designs. As this party is determined to refuse us justice, and as it is useless to attempt to convince those who will not be convinced, we should, if we had no other adversaries than those, content ourselves with meeting them in silence, leaving it to time to show the fallacy ot all tne false reports and all the calumnies which they spread. But side by side with these demagogues aie men of good faith, who fiom ignorance or creduality retain without mistrust or examination all the false impressions which are given them, and that without intending to act the part of revolutionist*. By acting upon their imaginations, by nourishing their suspicions, by raising their fears the anarchists have hoped to plunge them into a war which, in regard to their own interests, is to say the tiutb, a monstrosity, ■ad would precipitate them, at happens but too frequently, into an abyss of icil misery, in ordu to escape

from an imaginary evil. This is the desire of the u tra-democratic party, and to ibis point it will, if it hi p, ssibl- , persevere. It is, tlieie'ore, indispensable that the governments, in their diplomatic leliitions with vi, should be made acquainted with our nuc intentions; it has become the duty of the enligl '•" ed rnembeis of Assemblies and Legislative Chamber- oF all those, in fact, who combine with the doctii; c- j£ reform the deiire of preserving to their count) y the blessings of public order and monarchical principles— to use all their legitimate influence in endeavouring ti> correct the character of public opinion respect ng Rus* s a, and lo prevent it from straying into a path whiru, ■ toner or later, must lead to incalculable evils. The Emperor chatges you expressly, Sir, to make them sensible of their necessity in wot king upon their conviction the preceding considerations and reflections. Tell them, and make known to all men of sen^e with whom you may come into contact, eithrron business or social intercourse, that the intentions of the Emperor in regard to Germany are, and will remain, purely pacific : that our firmaments have hitherto bad a strictly defe isive purpose, that of being prepared to meet ihe thousand un looked for oases which it is \ai« possible for any one to for B ee in the provincial stairs into which ths recent events have suddenly plunged the world ; that in regard to Germany m pint culai so long at she does not attack us — so long'as tbe^Coufederation, whatever new form it may pleuse'to lake, shall respect the neighbouring kingdoms, and not attempt foicibly to extend its territoiial limits, or its legi innate competenry beyond the boundaries assigned to it by existing treaties— the Emperor will also"re s - pect her internal independence, and will not ('eviate from the position which he hasmninlaiiied to this day. In cjmplying with these diiections you will do well to give a copy of the present despatch to the Cabinet where you aie accrech cd. Nesselrode.

Lord Rosse a Mechanic. — On one occasion when he was but a youth, he went to an exhibition at the' Adelaide Gallery, where iome kind of London tteamengine was bern? exhibited. By some means or orhe r the exhibiter could not set his engine going ; all his effort to effect it were in vain, and he wai about to give it up in despair, when Lord Robse stepped forward, and said he thought he nould make it work, No sooner said than done. He put his hand to the work, discovered by an instant's look where the nu> chiuery was out of order, and made a few turns, put all to rights, and then the machine, to the admiration of ihe company, worked beaulifu ly, Loid Oxmaniown (for ihat was then his only title) was dressed rather roughly, and not in drawing-room. habiliments, so that he might be mistaken for what he was not — a poor mechanic. He had already, however, proved himself to be a first-rate one. Led by his rather rude appearance to suppose that he was a workman who would be glad of a job, a gentleman accosted him, and, saying ai he was in want of a man like him, offered to employ him at a liberal salary. Lord Rosse, of course, politely declined the offer, which, however, was, perhaps, as honourable to him who made it as to him tr> whom it was made. — Bell's Messenger. Marriage in Americ v.~The American papers have made many comments of late on important changes in the mairia^e laws which at the cloie of the 'ast month were effected by the State L j gislature of NewYork. The bill will disgust most English Parliamentary lawyers from its brevity and intelligibility ; it is as follow*:—" Section I. Thereat and personal property of any female who may hereafter msrry, and which she shall own at the time of marriage, and the rents, ii>,ues, and profis thereof, shall not be subject to the disposal of her husband, nor be liable for his debts, and shall continue her sole and separate property. Section 2. The real and persorul property, and the rents, issues, and profits thereof, ot any lemale now mariied, shall not be subject to the disposal of her husband, but eliall be her sole and separate property, as if the were a single fjmale, except go far as thesHme may be liable for the debts of her husband heretofore contracted.— Section 3. It shall be lawful for any married female to receive by gitt, grant, devise, or btquest, from any person oiher than her husband, und hold to her sole and separate use, and if she wete a single female, real and personal property, and the rents, issues, and profi s thereof, and the same shall not be subject to the disposal of her husband, nor be liable for hi* debts.— Section 4. All contracts made between persons in contemplation of marriage shall remain in full force after such marriage sha'l take placs." — " During the paising of the act," rem 'iks a very able journal, thtNew York Literary World, "we have seen several petitions presented to the Legislature which threatened a declaration of independence poti the part of the women of Una state, unless someu.ii.; was done in their behalf thit would be in consonance with the spirit of the age. Wiser than Louii Philippe, our Legislature has now responded to the demunds of progress, and every woman of New York, married or •ingle, may heieafter battle with the world with h-r own hook, and paddle her own can c as she pleases,. It ii, however, the fourth section thut has cal ed forth the mo t comment and the most banter. The three fi st we look upon as merely placing the sexes on the eaane dem eratio footing— a lightening or loosening of the yoke of matrimony ; but, if all contracts ' in contemplation of marriage' are to be iegdly binding after the coil of single blessedness has been shuffled o(r' by the loving swain and nymph reponsive may not many a puzzlement henceforth arise ?" A House of Historical Interest.— The Free Church of Scotland has purchased Regent Mm ray's house in the Canongate for a normal school. 'l lns, with John Knox'b hou-e to be converted into a church, gives that body posseision of two interesting edifices. The Regent's house is pregnant with lnstouc recollections, apart altogether fiom h iving been the lesidtneeof the official whose name it bears. A tree behind it was planed by Mary Queen of Scots ; over the balcony, in (roat, the mccc of the Maiquisof Argyfe spat on Montrose, as he was drawn past on ,i hurdle to txecutton, her uncle and aunt soon following him to the same spot. The house itself after became the lodging of Oliver Cromwell ; and in liter times, Ihe treaty of union was higned in an arbour at the bottom of the garden — Leeds Mercury. The Whitb Woman. — The sensation created some couple of yean ago by the report that a white female was detained by a tribe of üborigimes in the Gipps Land distiict, which to played upon the better feelings of the community that a handsome sum was inM'd for the purpose of fitting out an expedition of knighterrants to release the distressed damsel, which however pioved unsuccessful, is likely to be resumed, a s ockiveeper having within the last few days arrived in Melbourne, who states that he distinctly saw the white woman but a lew days back, with a tribe of Western Port blacks, and that she was surrounded by several pkcanimes of a duikty hue, some of whom could not be les-i than seven or eight year* of age. Should the icport be true, but we confess we are disposed to be. lievethat its author must have been mistaken, wt> f«ar v>e mu->t arrive at the conclusion that the unfortunate woman i» doomed to e< d her days amongst her sabla admirers. — P. P. Gazette.