AUSTRIA AND ITALY.

New Zealander, Volume 3, Issue 187, 15 March 1848, Page 3

AUSTRIA AND ITALY.

FROM THE GLOBE. The reports from Italy all concur in stating that ths Austrian Government has declared its intention to invade those states in which a National Gturd is formed. It is believed that the events which have happened in Sardinia, in Tuscany, and in Lucca, since the Austrian invasion of the Papal States, wi.l altei the line of advance upon the free states of Italy, and that instead of continuing the incursion into the R imati territory, Austria will point her further hostility against ono of the states on behalf of which the sympathies of Europe are less easily excited. Austria may now occupy Modeua, with the consent, or perhaps at the request, j of the weak government of that country . and her next j step will in that case be either to cross the Apennines, or go on to Parma and Piedmont — or she may take the bolder course, attack the kingdom of Sardinia, and so prove at once the streugth ot North Italy. Either 1 of these advances will be less vigorom, and certainly less veivuresome, than leading the Huns against the Imperial City. Pius IX. has checked Pi ince Metternich by the d gnity of his moral position. The Pope ! iebuked him, and lie stood abashed. In a less chivalrous spirit he would now defend absolutism by attacking states who c<ui use the only weapon he ishim&elf accustomed to— brute force. The altered policy of Austria wiil not avail her. Italian independence is one and entire, It cannot be attached ou any side without \iol.»ting the same pnncip'e. Thjrijht of sovereignty gujianteed to the different states, by t lie often broken I Treaty ot Vienna, is now guarded by the new-born spirit of nationality m Italy, and also by the assurance that England will not permit foreign intervention m the domestic affairs of the Peninsula. The invasion of any one of the independent states, will be regarded as an attack upon Italy. Jtis no question of degree. It is a question of right. The several states have a right of sovereignty u» integral paits of independent Italy ; and it is equally an invasion of that right whether Austria occupies ono or other of them* Austria cannot, therefore, avoid the main i->suc by changing die b itlle ground. Nor can the constitutional governments of Europe avoid the responsibilities of their pos tion because the despotic aggressor has taken a course i^ss exouing to their subjects. Austria has forced the point u,jon the attention ot Europe. Europe has seized it It cannot now be withdia \n or allowed to escape uudpr cover of public indifference. Either It ily must be allowed to work out her own regeneration, or Austria must maintain despotism with the sword. The ultimate consequence will not be influenced by the place at which the first breach is made. I' is impossible for despotism to reign B'debyside with a free constitutional Government. If oue state be brought to subjection, H must lead to the conquest of the next. Italy cannot be coerced except by a military occupation of the country from the Alps to Cape S parti vet) to. 'i his ii what Austria has, it it carries out its thcoiy, to nt tempt. ; and what Europe has to meet, if Italy is to be free. We have before baid that Austria cannot reduce Italy to subjection ; and now, under her altered t.ictics, we repeat it. She may be encouraged and in th-ir own dominions assisted, by two or perhaps three ot the present reigning sovereigns, but even with th.it she is not strong enough — immense as her army is — to maintain a permanent coercion of Italy. If the Aus« Uian nation was one united people, or if, divided os she is internally, she was struggling for a principle which her vaiious nationalities JUeld in common, &he would be strong enough for a greater cffoifc than the conquest ot I'aly. Austria cannot, however, carry wnh her f in such a contest, the sympathies of even an important minority of the people under her sway. To withdraw from home that pait of her aimy which she might be able to lertd with confidence against Italy and the bead of the Catholic Church, would leave her own dominions with les» protection than they require. It is as likely that at the end of the fust, campaign the I. alian people should be masters ot Milan, as that a German army should bs lodged within the walls of Rome. It is not therefore the result we dread. We dread the useless ihedcling of blood- Our anxiety in this respect is increased by the knowledge th it such a calamity might be avoided if the Fiencu Government would maintain the position aiiongst nations which the French people won for France in 1830— a position which the people, however they may have been for a time deluded, have never themselves d. serted. In the fnce of a joint protest by England and Fiance— or, if t,he will, even at this the eleventh hour, France and England — Austria will not venture to Baciifice a single life ia Italy. The affair of Ciacow, and the fines-e of Louis Philippe, have deceived Prince Metternicb. Austria baa lormed a wrong estimate of the strength of Italy, and the extent to which Euiopean sympathy would be excited. She is in — we will not say a false — but an unexpected r-Oiition. The Constitutional cause ii stronger than site calculated. Advance u full of danger to uet — retieat before go weak a foe would co*vr her with disgrace. A joint protest from the two gnat constitutional {foveinmen's of the West, would give her an opportunity of retiring sulkily from an unequal Cimte&t. iingland has not hesitated— she has ranked herself ou the side of national independence and free uutitut ons, and against absolutism and intervention. The oppo.tunity is Bull open for France to do the same. No doubt exists as to the will of the French nition— still the Government of France vacillates. The new constitution of that countiy is put to its most tevere trul. Euhcr the Government must carry out the will of the people, or France has yet to emancipate itself from the dominion ot monarchy. We should be sorry to believe that the liberty of Italy, and the peice ot Europe depended entirely upon the abandonment by Louis Philippe of the dynastic policy. An English fleet in the Adriatic may, without the aid of France, curb the tyranny of Austria — but still, when we con1 sider that with the cordial co-operation of that power, every leasonable doubt upon that subject would be removed, v\e cannot but tlnow much of the responsibility for future events upon Louis Philippe and the present Cabinet of France. Ultimately, France will be restored to her proper position m Euiope, and brought back again to her naiural alliances— but the misiluef which a Uepartuie fiom her ri^ht course may occasion can never be repaid. Reaction! are always attended with animosities, reprisals, and revenge— and whether France now joins in the glorious work of securing independence to Italy, or leaves to others the honors which it is, accordiug to her popular traditious, the destiny of France to weai, may at no distant day become a matter of great interest to the present rulers of France. Now that the intentions of Austria are known, we hope the French Government will, for the sake of peace— for the bake of that constituvional freedom for which France has paid so dearly — for their own sakes, adopt a line ot conduct worthy of France, consistent with her historical as-ot krions, and in accordance with the sympathies of her people. In consequence of the earnest desire felt by the late Dr. Arnold, as recorded in the history of his lift-, that some inaik. ot Iloyul favour bhould be bestowed en Jlujjby School, the Queen lus been graciously pleased to intimate bur intention to found a gold medal for the special encouragement of the Sludy of history at tlut insuiulion.— Globe.