IRELAND.

New Zealander, Volume 2, Issue 90, 20 February 1847, Page 3

IRELAND.

(From the "Times," September 21, 18-16.) Ireland is beginning to assume an aspect which the most indifferent cannot wicw without emotion, nor the most confident without alarm. The intelligence we have lately published, after every fair abatement is made for the exaggerations of fear of the misrepresentations of interest, contains quite enough to warrant the belief, that the western portion of the country it trembling on the verge of a desperate insurrection. The means for a formidable outbreak arc not wanting. The iccret associations, spread throughout the land, and embracing hundreds of thousands by the influence of enthusiasm or fear* are always ready to organise rebellion, and give direction to the passions of the multitude. Whiliiboyisin, 'although it has not stirred of late, is slumbering 6nly— not dead. Already it shows itself in threatening notices and personal assaults, in combinations against the landlord and violent attempts to obtain possession of the stores of grain. Unfortunately, the designs of the malignant are at once supported and advanced by the distress of the times. The apprehension of famine is but too valid an excuse for popular meetings and demonstrations of force. The clamour for food may be but a cover for treason and rebellion ; but whg can turn a deaf car to the cry of starvation ? When disaffection has so real and substantial a grievance to work upon, it would be strange if great things were not produced. We are not alarmists. We 1 do not view the stale of Ireland as hopeless, or the disturbance of pence as inevitable ; but we believe the danger imminent, and the necessity for speedy measure! to be fearfully urgent. All considerations of ultimate poli.cy, all balancings of the comparative advantages of this or that measure, all merely political questions sink into insignificance before the actual presence of famine. Minor consequences, though probable to the most ordiuary sagacity, arc nob to he regarded, when a possible consequence lurks behind so awful as starvation of a whole people. Of nil errors, none can be more fatal than delay,-— and, in the wordi of Mr. O'Connell's letter from Derrynane, we say that "rapidity now constitutes the essence of humanity and political sagacity." In such times of painful distress, it might be expected that Ireland would arouse herself, shake off her sleep of apathy, and throw aside for a while the petty jealousies of contending factions. Nations ere now, in olden times, have been attacked in the midst of civH war by enemies from without, and have abandoned their domestic dissensions to unite agaiiist foreign danger. It is even a received maviin in morals, that a common peril is the strongest bond of union among men. llow is it thai \\a find the ex*

jHMionrc "I luiNny, indeven t lie law, (if undue, eonti.ulioU'il by tlic 1 1 i ill pcoplr ? Arc the} dead to the sentiment ot nationali'), m % too dull to foil the fuc of patriotism i Let the question Ik- answered by themselves; we do nol assume the censor. But, perchance, there is no common peril that tlucatcns all classes of the community, and division ol feeling continues because there is still a division ol interest. Alas', it is too tiue. Famine hangs only over the poor . the tich are secure from the miseries of want. The peasant loses his potato, his only food, and seeks a substitute at the hands of his wealthier neighbour. The landlord fears to lose his rent, and aMts for sccuiity aaainst the loss at the lunik ol'tht- Government. Here, indeed, it must he ronfesscil, there is no common peril, but rather a diversity oi interest sufficient to account for the most ilclcrtniiu'd antagonism. What matters it that the )iooj>lo efawo 3 llent is tho inheritance of the landlord ; it is his light; and s'ircly a man is justified in standing upon his rights. Providence has thought fit to blast the soil with pesttlencv, but this is but a common evil, one of the chances of agricultural trade. Another >car may jiold a superabundant crop, ard compensate for the losses ot the present. So reason some; but, in justice, we must say, not many. The majority hold a different language, which has an air of more humanity, but hardly less of selfishness. "We will employ the poor," they nay, "and tax ourselves to pay them ; but then it miist be for our own advantage. Our estates require drainage, and we have no money to drain them. Our land may be made to yield more abundantly, but we have no capital for implement. Let the labour of the peasant! y be employed on these objects, let the state advance the money, and we have no objection to a labour-rate." 'nich is the public spirit of the Jiish landlords The public talks familiar!} of the" Irish difficulty," liaully attaching a precise meaning to the words.— An indefinite expicssion was fit to comey an indefinite idea. Now, however the times furnish us with fin explanation o! the phrase. The " Irish difficulty'^ means Irish selfishness. Ireland cannot be governed because those who should support the Government and assistitifl moments of embarrassment do nothing but throw obstacles in the way, and gloiy only in obstruction. Ireland cannot be governed because those ilassca upon whose virtue and conduct depend the > maintenance of order and the improvement of the social stale, aic given up to faction and dissension, and seek only their private interests, instead of the general good. Ireland cannot be governed because they in whom the people con fide— her patriots, her orators, and her martyrs,— withdraw themseives in the hour of danger, and, occupied only with views of indivi- . dual aggrandizement, arc content to make speeches to starving peasants about the blessings of repeal and the advantages of free political discussion, or to write letters ou the construction of acts of Parliament and the necessity of feeding the people. Alas, for Ireland! had she no friends but Irishmen, her state wore poor indeed.