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Original Correspondence.

To the Editor of the Neio-Zealander. Sir, — It does appear to me to be very extraordinary, how our rulers can expect people to come all the way from England to New Zealand, if land is only to be had by auction at an upset price of 20 shillings an acre ; when land at least equally fertile, can be had in America at l£ dollars, or 5 shillings an acre';, the more especially as England has, now .wisely opened, or is in course of opening, her ports for the free admission of grain j< thus securing to the Americans for their surplus produce, a steady market; from which our 'great distance (four or live Unite as far as America) almost totally excludes us. It may be alleged that the New Zealand Company have sold land in New Zealand at 20 shillings an acre. To this 1 reply, that they have never yet been able to sell any country land without a town acre ; (hence the number of their settlements) and presuming their town acres to be worth the lowest .Government upset price of jglOO an acre, their settlers have paid the minimum price for their town lands, and have literally received their country lands for nothing. Taking it for granted, that New Zealand should grow wheat tor her own consumption only,,the important question occurs, will it pay to give 20 shillings, an acre tor cattle or sheep iiins ! 1 answer, without fear of contradiction, that it will not ; ' and appeal to, all men of any experience in these matters in.the colony, for , the truth of this decision. Indeed, the data on which j the calculation to prove this, is founded, mjght be very | easily furnished, A Tanri of 160 acres ,in its natural state, will barely keep stock sufficient to pay for the looking after them ; but will not pay interest for the capital laid out on the stock and land. A farm of 640 acres may keep stock sufficient to pay for looking after them, aud the interest' of the capital laid out on the stock, but will not pay interest for the capital laid out on the land at 20$. mi acre. Were it my present business, I could prove that there has been a great wat>te of capital in this district, from the misdirected energies of the colonists, caused by the high upset price, and limited portions ot land in the market in the early days of the colony. 1 conceive, that no farm, excepting what may be called suburban, should be less than 640 acres. With regard to squatting, 1 do not think that.it is adapted /or New Zealand. The squatter in New South Wales, turns his stock on pastures that are as good (if not better) when he takes possession, than they are at any after period. New Zealand is very different, very generally covered with swamps, fern, scrub, and timber. The swamps require to be drained, the fern and scrub to he cleared away, to .fit the land to be depastured , and it is quite obvious,that such operations .are utterly inconsistent with the tenure of a squatter. , Even in New South Wales the settlers complain, and justly, of rue sqnattinc system, as being fit only for young men who will submit to any kind of rough usage, with the view of making money and leaving the colony. ' Ihe insecure tenure preventing the accompaniments, ot a comfortable homestead, and precluding the, idea ot settling down comfortably for, lifeThe same objection would apply here. It may indeed be favorable to a sort of amalgamation of tlie races, but of a kind that has hitherto beeu depiecated by good men.

However desirable then, it may be to have a land fund, seeing that there is no hope of it at iQt. an acre, I conceive that the wisest policy on the part of the Government would be, to at once grant Crown Titles to those land claimants who can make good their claims ; and reduce the upset price of Crown lands to ss. an acre. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, A Would be Yeoman. Auckland, 23d Nov. 1846.

To the Editor of the New-Zealqnder. Sir.— .The laws enacted in the past session of the legislative P ouncil will always distinguish it from those which preceded it, while, as the last meeting of the legislative body under its original constitution, it will form an epoch in the history of New Zealand. Even in the history of the British empire, the approaching change in the constitution oi the islands will not be an insignificant event. With the exception of the first plantations in North America, no British colony has hitherto obtained a representation at so early a period of its existence, nor has a similar change in any other dependancy of the British Crown attracted to it so large a shave of the attention of the parliament and the people of England. The causes of this singular change now exhibited to the world in bold relief by the lusty complaints of the settlers, so fortunately backed by the untiring energy of a powerful company, will not of course be minutely detailed in the history' of the empire But, .though the inquiring, reader of future times will in this, as in many other cases, be compelled to turn from the imperial to the colonial narrative, at least enough of our story will appear on the pages of the im » perial history, to interest aMfcinstruct generations to come. Objects of interest 'and sympathy to unborn millions we undoubtedly will be, though we cannot see in what precise degree we shall be so. Independantly of considerations such as these, which, nevertheless, are not to be overlooked, the present positon of the inhabitants of these islands is extremely interesting.— Whether we look behind or before us, to the region of fact or to that of hope, to that portion of our history consecrated to the gods, and over which the fates have no control, or to that which is/in the womb of time, and which may bt influenced by our own actions, the view is either agreeable in itself, or rendered agreeable by the reflections which are suggested by it. If, when we look in one direction, we can see nothing but trials, sufferings and dangers, we are more than cojisoled by the reflection that we have escaped them,— that while we have certainly passed thro the crisis of our general destines, we have probably reached the termination of bur graver sufferings. When we look to the future, vivid rays of hope gleam upon us from all quarters, but particularly from the very calamities themslves by which we ha,ve been afflicted combined with our conduct un--der them and/from the remedies about to be applied to them. It would be difficult to imagine evils more calculated to strike directly at the root of all improvement, than those by which the colony of New Zealand, has,hitherto been afllcted. If we suppose the position, and the natural resources of two colonies to be equal, their comparative progress will depend upon the amount of emigration from' the mother country, and the industry and intelligence of the settlers. But the variety of interests unexampled in so young a commnnity, the differeut methods of acquiring titles to land, so unequal in their benefits und consequences, aud the indifferent provision for the protection of life and property, have produced such an amount of agitation and disorder, as would, at first sight, appear to be incompatible with any farther exertion of industry on the part of the settlers than that demanded by the wants of nature, while it has completely stopped emigration. Nevertheless the district of Auckland is, at this moment, absolutely wealthy, and though the same thing cannot be affirmed of the southern settlements, yel, if we take the whole British population of these islands together, it would be difficult to find a community so free from external debt, or one m which individual insolvency is so rare. Now, if, in the midst of the uncertainty , turmoil, and confusion,"which have hitherto prevailed in the colony, we have maintained our ground, and, in some instances even advanced, what hopesj regarding our future prosperity, however high, may not be reasonably entertained, upon the cessation of the evils by which we have been afflicted. The first, and perhaps the most favorable omen, of our future success , is, therefore to be taken from our past calamities, and our conduct under them. And it is by no means irrevalent to observe here, that we are materially indebted to the native population for the favorable position in which we now stand ; fur if from the foundation of the colony we had been compelled to raise the necessaries of life from the soil, or to purchase them from the neighbouring settlements, we could not have been circumstanced as we now are. j Whether the approaching change in the constitution of the Colony will realise the expectations formed from it, will depend upon the manner in which the people will use their new privileges. Besides the intelligence and respectability of the settlers, there are several grounds for believing that these privileges will be discreetly used. Under ordinary circumstances, a representation, at so early a period of the Colony's existence, would be obviously premature, and be probably followed i by consequences fatal to the happiness even of those t who called most loudly for it. A representation has been given to this Colony, principally for the purpose of remedying past disasters of an extraordinary character, and of preventing their recurrence. It may therefore be reasonably supposed, that the settlers, in the exercise of their new privileges, will never forget the circumstances under which they acquired them, and the , views with which' they were conferred upon them. Nor is it likely that they will be inattentive to the conduct of their forefathers upon similar occasions, or to the 1 manner in which the present fabric of the British constitution has been constructed. This great pile, so justly the object of the world's admiration, has not been erected by a few violent efforts at widely separated periods. It was giadually and insensibly built up, by innumerable efforts spread over au immense period of time, each addition being suited to, and required by, the, period at which it was made, and unsuited to any preceding period. This horror of mere theory, this aversion to sudden, violent, and premature changes, and this constant and gradual adaptation of the law to the spirit of the age, and to the requirements and habits of i the people, have always distinguished the people of England amongst the nations of the earth, and have given to their laws their durability and their power of propagating themselves. If great nations have been shaken to their centres by sudden and violent convulsions, and if powerful empires, with innumerable resources, have, by the influence of constant excitement, been gradually consumed, and rendered an easy prey to ■ their neighbours, what misfortunes, however sad, which can by any possibility happen in such a case, may we not anticipate for New Zealand, should it be for a few years longer subjected to the agitation by which it has been hitherto afflicted ? But, were it possible, that the , settlers could be regardless, alike of the history of their forefathers, and of the circumstances under, and the reasons on account of which they obtained a representation, there is still one check upon the improper use of their new privileges, which it is reasonable to suppose they can never fail lo carry about with them. It must, at least, be presumed,' that the settlers will be laid under a formal obligation by common prudence, always

to bear in mind, that the use which they make of their political privileges, and,, indeed, all their actions of a public nature, will be closely watched, and minutely scanned by the intending emigrants at home. Many thousand men, whose souls are attuned to action, and energy, and hardy adventure, keep their eyes steadily fixed upon us, and scrutinise our every movement. The thoughts of these men, originally directed to New Zealand, on account of its splendid position on the globe, and its matchless resources, have been temporarily diverted from it by our misforhmes. Fortunately, however, they are now re-directed to us with increased vivacity, in consequence of the late measures of the imperial government, , and the promise which these measures seem to give of a new era in the Colony. If we use our new privileges with, discretion, these men will rush to the Colony, and become its heart's blood. But, if they see the local government driven blindly forward by turbulent and unprincipled agitators, they will cast their lots amongst more sensible men, and for eyer cease to think of a community afflicted by s>o dire a political plague. Will we then, or will we not, permit these men to come amongst us, and to multiply our strength and resources, or, shall we drive them from us to other climes and happier societies? If the electors would keep these different considerations constantly in view, they would be able to deal summarily with, at least, some of the candidates for their suffrages. They could tell the mere theorist, and the brawling declaimer upon liberty and equality, that, instead of theories and declamations, they wanted wharfs and 'quays, roads and budges, the bush made accessible^ and a theatre' provided for the settlers, upon which they might enact their proper parts in the drama of colonization. They would tell the crawling schemer proffeiing his services in hunting down the officers of the government, that, while useless offices should be abolished, and treacherous of caballing officers publicly denounced, zealous, efficient, and well -principled public servants should .be firmly I supported, on the simple ground, that it is by sucli officers, and such only, that the public business can be properly done, Finally, they could tell the prating economist promising them that he would exert himself in reducing as much as possible the salary of every public officer, that every post of any importance, should be filled by a person competent to perform the duties attached to it, and that such a person will commonly have the spirit not to accept such a post, unless he is adequately remunerated. The approaching division of the Colony will extinguish the just discontent of the southern settlers, and for che present, at least, put an end to that form of political union which has hitherto existed between the two districts, The union of two communities, between which little or no commercial intercourse by sea could, for a long time to come, have taken place, and between which, no intercourse of any kind by land could, for many years, have been possible, was, from the very outset, established upon principles so very ridiculous, that its termination has been long expected by all persons in and out of the Colony who have reflected upon the subject. But, as the unsoundness of ,the principles upon which the present union has been based, is now notorious, and, as the benefits likely to.be derived by both districts from the approaching change, are too I obvious to be insisted upon, it could answer no useful I purpose to dwell longer upon this subject. - 1 The most distinct, however, and the best founded hopes regarding the future, are derived from the measures of the Governor with respect to the native popu-> lation. Hitherto, the laissexfaire system, in all its per ■> fection, has been adopted by the local government ia their treatment of the natives. .The native was permitted to do what ever he pleased with the European, [ while the European was hardly suffered to approach the native even for the benefit of the latter. Neither a soldier, nor a policeman, nor even a bailiff has been allowed so much as to look at them, and the School-mas-ter himself was driven from their abodes as an" impertinent intruder. This political farce, after some tragic occurences during, its performance, has-been at length hissed from the stage. Her Majesty's authority is now everywhere asserted, the wrongs of the settlers: have been redressed, and a lesson upon the folly of re-« sisting British power has., been taught to the native | chiefs, which it may be presumed, they will never for- ! get. This preliminary and neeessury step having heen completed, his Excellency has, over and over, declared it to he his unalterable determinnaiion, that, in future, no individual of either race shall be permitted to inflict any injury evil or criminal upon one of the other, with - out being as soon as possible visited by the law. To devise a system of laws for the government of the two races as one united people, and to render the natives capable of deriving from such a system all the advantages which may be derived from it, are the two great objects which yet remain to be accomplished. The accomplishment of these two objects must be carried out gradually, cotemporaneously, and with a constant reference of each to the other, in order that the portion of British law dealt out or accomodated atary time to the natives may correspond with the amount of their social improvement at that time. In the session of Council just past, his Excellency has not merely opened the paths which led to these objects, but commenced the journey— he has not merely sketched out a plan of the system of laws adverted to, but performed part of the work by way of sample for the remainder. That he may in this great undertaking be zealously assisted, and that subsequent Governors may follow in his steps is the earnest wish of Sir, Your obedient servant, Yates. Auckland, Nov. 25, 1846.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZ18461128.2.8

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

New Zealander, Volume 2, Issue 78, 28 November 1846, Page 3

Word count
Tapeke kupu
2,975

Original Correspondence. New Zealander, Volume 2, Issue 78, 28 November 1846, Page 3

Original Correspondence. New Zealander, Volume 2, Issue 78, 28 November 1846, Page 3

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