New Zealand Provinces.
WELLINGTON.
Public Education.
The friends of popular education will despise no means which will tend to diffuse political information amongst the people. No one will deny that there are many evils inseparable from too frequent, as well as from too warmly contested elections. The first, by turning men's minds from their ordinary avocations and pursuits, lead to a suspension of the usual course of business ; the last too often leave in their wake much personal bitterness, which political differences unfortunately create and foster, and which can only be obliterated by time. We nevertheless question whether frequent elections are not productive of more good than evil, provided that they are not too frequent ; and whether some of the evils which the friends of popular ignorance ascribe to them, might not more truly he traced to an entirely opposite cause. Such objectors resemble the lad which Colonel Thompson tells us of, who, having his hair combed once a year, wondered how those stood it who combed their hair daily. Contested elections must be more beneficial than otherwise, if all treating and personal intimidation are discountenanced. Public apathy has been complained of from the days of Demosthenes to those of our own. Men generally cannot be induced to pay sufficient attention to political questions — to what concerns them in their public characters as members of a free state. A contested election compels them to do this whether they will or not, and as by this means their minds become awakened to a sense of their political and social duties and responsibilities, the good results in a free and well-ordered commonwealth must preponderateover those of an opposite character. In this colony especially, where the inhabitants, who for so many years were deprived of their political rights, have been suddenly called upon to exercise the highest privileges of free men, a contested election if legitimately conducted, may be looked upon as a means whereby political knowledge is spread amongst the whole body of electors. The election days, like the "training days" periodically set apart for the exercise of the militia in the use of arms, afford men an opportunity of acquiring a knowledge of their rights, and of learning the proper way to use as well as to maintain them. It is under a discipline of this kind that they will become adepts in the use of the manly weapons of freemen — in the exercise of the Electoral Franchise. The other day, we considered institutions of local self-government in the light of adult schools, in which every elector was a teacher or a scholar : may not election days be considered as the days set apart for the " public examination," when the qualifications of the teachers are rigidly tested, and the political progress of the scholars fully ascertained? Viewed in this light, who can deny that there are advantages which spring even from too heatedly contested elections ? There are, however, other means by which men uninformed on political subjects may acquire a knowledge of political questions, and be enabled to form a tolerably accurate estimate of those public measures which may be introduced by our public men, which have
not associated with them those evils which are necessarily connected with or grow out of frequent and contested elections. These are mutual improvement societies, political associations and the like. These exist in all free states; and amongst a population who have only recently acquired their political rights, both are absolutely necessary, if they are long to enjoy them. They are literally adult schools, in which men, whose political education has been neglected, can obtain in the readiest manner the information they require. We rejoice, therefore, to learn that an Association is about t.o be established in Wellington, one of the main objects of which will be the diffusion of political knowledge. In order that our free institutions may be established on a firm and democratic basis, and that we bequeath them unimpared to our children, who can doubt for a moment that it will he necessary to use every means in our power to spread political information amongst the people? For, can freedom long exist except in name only, in an unenlightened community ? Can a truly enlightened community help but be free ? Far well may tyranny essay to bind In chains of ignorance the human mind, As when a nation's intellectual rays g^^Bursttheir restraint and brighten to a blaze, jp^&^jSx&n "ibelsTiis dignity, and spurns the power Which curbed hiß spirit in a darker hour, Questions opinions which he held of yore, And loathes the usages adored before.
We may bequeath to our children the freedom we happily enjoy, but in order for them to retain it, must they not be educated ? The act passed last session for the promotion of the establishment of Common Schools must be put into operation in every district of the province ; and if, in order for this to be done, that act must be amended, let it be amended by all means, rather than that the rising generation should go without education. We are aware of the difficulties which stand in the way of the establishment of an enlightened system of education for the people in a country like England, where there is an established church, and where the working class are too poor to send their children to school, even if they could be then educated free ; but the difficulties here, we are certain, have been by interested parties greatly magnified. By the last English, mail we find Sir John Pakiugton, in withdrawing his Education Bill, stating, that in respect to the quality of education and the numbers taught, the great majority of the civilized nations of Europe, and the United States, were in advance of England. Mr. Gibson at the same time observed, that he bad presented petitions from a great number of the inhabitants of Manchester, praying that a bill should pass, the effect of which would be, that while secular instruction should be supported by local rates, religious teaching should be effected by voluntaryism. That opinion had been supported by the people assembled at 1 70 public meetings, and Dr. Chalmers had said that if the State must interfere, it must confine itself to secular instruction, and leave religious teaching to the voluntary principle. Mr. Gibson further observed, that he felt convinced that the plan he had proposed of providing for the education of the people by a public rate was a sound one. But how, we would ask, could the principle of supporting secular education by local rates be adopted and religious teaching be effected by voluntaryism, in a country where there is an established church ?
In New Zealand, we have not this serious difficulty to contend against. Here we have not the church, but the priesthood only of that church, to obstruct the establishment of a sound system of secular instruction for the rising generation. In Nelson, we find, on hastily glancing over their Report, that the Education Commissioners have recommended to the Provincial Council a somewhat similar plan to that which was approved of by the Commissioners here. They think " that it is equally the duty and interest of the State, in any system of education which it may adopt, to make such arrangements as may promote secular, without discouraging religious teaching." They moreover recommend, " that for the purpose of establishing and supporting District Schools, an uniform rate of £1 per annum upon every householder, and in addition a further payment of ss. per annum should be required for each child between the ages of five and fourteen years." So here we have the identical rate recommended, which has been embodied in the Education Act of this Province, and which was so strongly objected to by those who do not want the people to be educated, and by those who got up an opposition to the bill for factious purposes. We find in the appendix to the report, Mr. Muller, the Provincial Secretary of Nelson, stating that very many of the people would prefer a purely secular instruction, and that he agrees with those who do. Mr. H. C. Daniell states that as far as Government is mmrcrneri. he considers education as a purely flecuiar matter, and would object to State aid to denoiiinational schools. And the Rev. T. D. iiifholson gives it as his deliberate opinion, that Government, in any public measure for helping on the education of the people, must abstain from introducing the element of religion at all into their part of the scheme. We do trust, therefore, after what the Nelson Commissioners have recommended, that the Education Act of this Province will be brought into general operation as it stands ; or, if this" cannot be done, that it will be so amended that the object aimed at may be secured. It will be seen we have looked upon frequent and contested elections as an educational machinery — and the same of the contemplated Political Association — as well as that of the Common School Act itself. We hail them all as means by which the people can become informed of their political and social rights, duties, and responsibilities. — Wellington Independent, Nov. 21.
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Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XIV, Issue 70, 28 November 1855, Page 2
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1,532New Zealand Provinces. Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XIV, Issue 70, 28 November 1855, Page 2
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