Nelson Evening Mail SATURDAY, JULY 27, 1929 THE EMPIRE’S FUTURE

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume LXIII, 27 July 1929, Page 6

Nelson Evening Mail SATURDAY, JULY 27, 1929 THE EMPIRE’S FUTURE

EARLY in tin* week we referred to Sir Homy Drayton, cx-Minister of Finance of the Dominion of Canada, as saying in London, "The tie between Canada ami the Mother Country ought, to bo more than an expression of sentiment.” Of course I lie speaker had in his mind some sort of political and commercial union which should bind Great Britain and the Dominions together in a manner more apparent and more permanent than anything which gees to making what is grandiloquently termed the British Commonwealth of Nations. In short, Sir Henry Drayton desires to see the nations of the Empire federated commercially and, subsequently, politically. He desires to sec the silken bonds of sentiment turned into something durable and stable.

The first proposer of Imperial Federation, as we pointed out a few weeks ago in this column, was Benjamin Disraeli. Some forty years afterwards, Joseph Chamberlain voiced a similar opinion, and at one of the Imperial Conferences, held previously .to 1911, Sir Joseph Ward eloquently supported the ideal of Disraeli ami Chamberlain. But all was to no purpose. There was no response from the Government and people of Great Britain—to them Imperial Federation meant nothing. In the first place, a large section of the English people held the opinion—traditional since the American War of Independence of the 18th century—that Colonies were expensive and troublesome possessions which brought no compensating advantage to the Mother Country, and it was in spite of this opinion and in the face of direct opposition that the new Colonial Empire had been built up. The politicians were supine for other reasons. Their pride was in the Mother of Parliaments at Westminster. Their glory was that that Parliament, through the Government of the day, ruled an Empire on which the sun never set—lndia, Canada, Australia, South Africa, New Zealand, Newfoundland,- and innumerable Crown Colonies, Protectorates and Dependencies. Plainly if Disraeli’s idea of an Imperial Parliament, representative of the entire Empire, were set up in London, the House of Commons would be in danger of being eclipsed. If members, representative of all the countries of the Empire, were admitted to the Commons, that ancient House would be swamped. In either case tho control of the Empire would have passed from the Government of Great Britain, and it was typical of the Tory politician—who had dene much to create the Empire—that lie was tenacious of retaining his grip over that Empire. So what with the indifferenco of the Whigs or Liberals, and what with the retention of power desired by the Tories or Conservatives, the very splendid and highly practical proposal for Imperial Federation was rejected, when proposed on the three historic occasions referred to. True, self-government had been conferred on tho principal Colonies, which for their services during the Boer War were renamed Dominions, but nevertheless their Governments were responsible to the British Government, through tho Colonial Office, and they had no more, than an advisory voice in Imperial affairs and in the Empire’s foreign policy, which was framed in Downing Street and put into operation by the British Foreign Secretary. Then came the Great War!

Probably the grenlcst political phenomenon of modem times was the rallying of the Empire overseas, at the call of Great Britain, when she found herself, through no fault ol her own, plunged into the greatest and most terrible war in history. Her enemies saw with astonishment that the members of her loosely-constructed Empire —which j they expected would fall to pieces in that time of stress—did net fall apart, but became more closely knit to her than ever. To give her assistance the Dominions actually transported across thousands of miles of ocean one million troops, who were landed on the shores of Prance or wherever they would he most useful, 'flu- Indian Empire supplied great armies which drove the Turks out uf .Mesopotamia, and helped General Sir Edmund Allet.by to rc-conquer Palestine, and to deal that decisive blow which brought Turkey to subjection and caused the combination of the Central Pov;i rs to come toppling down. There was no ignoring such assistance as the Empire overseas let doted to Great Britain during those four years when she endured so much in the cause of Civilisation ; so. when the treaty of peace was : ned tit Versailles, wo find that tlio signatures of the Dominions and India follow that of Great Britain, in that historic document. The natural sequence was. of i nurse, the determination of the Dominions' status at the. last Imperial Conference, and the extension to British India of it partial measure of self-gov-ernment which at present- is on its trial, and is 1.0 lie reported upon in due course by the Simons Commission, set up by both Houses of the British Parliament. To-day the position is, therefore, that Great Britain is “prima inter pares"— first among equals—so far as the British Commonwealth of Nations is concerned The Governments of the Dominions am no longer responsible to the British Government through the Secretary ci State

I iv,i tho Dominions and Colonies, put aie ; responsible directly to tho Crown through their own Governors-General.

Tho question is, Does this change weaken or strengthen the fabric of the Empire? Does it bring the ideal cf Imperial Federation nearer, or does it put it further away than ever? The answers to these questions are not easily given. The Empire's fabric is strengthened, in Dial the Dominions are strengthened; but their independent stains is a strengthening factor to tho Empire in proportion to their loyalty to tho King. Tho King binds tho Empire together in his own person, lie is the link which connects nil the Dominions and Great Britain in the Commonwealth of Nations. But this new orientation of the Empire’s political affairs alters (he equilibrium of the Empire's Council—the Imperial Conference. It is open- now for tho Dominions to make with authority those proposals which Sir Joseph Ward formerly made lo no purpose,- in connection with Imperial Federation. It is possible for them to increase the size and scope of the Imperial Conference .to such an extent as In make it actually a Parliament of the Empire. By tho gradual evolution of Ihc Imperial Conference it is possible that that very system of Empire Government- which Disraeli proposed over seventy years ago, may actually be brought inlo existence. The Little Englanders can now do little to stop that development, if the Dominions wish to promote it. But the tendency is at present in the direction of tho economic union rather than in that of the political union, of the Empire; tho practical British mind perceiving that where there is community of economic interests, community of political interests must result as a natural sequence. In any case the economic and political evolution of the Empire should not bo hurried unduly. It should not be stimulated to the extent of awakening the apprehensions of those whoso inherent disliko of change may turn them into opponents of economic and political federation. Gradually as public opinion in Great Britain and the Dominions awakens to the danger in which the Empire stands economically through the lack of proper fiscal defences, it may be expected that the need for economic union will present itself with irresistible force; and that, as the component parts of tho Empire become drawn together because of their common interests in the matter of trade and commerce, the way will be paved to effecting that political federation which would enable them to present a united front (o the world.