MOTUEKA ELECTION.
MR. HUKSTHOUSE AT WAIMEA WEST. The largest meeting ever held in Wairaea West was addressed last night by Mr Hursthouse. Mr Joshua Bird was voted to the chair, and said that it was usual for the Chairman to introduce the convener of the meeting to his audience, but he was h the position of requiring an introduction h.mself as, although he had voted for Mr Hurtthouse, he had never met him before. He was a young man, but from what be knew of him from his speeches he thought he was quite as good as, if not better than, some of the c?der members (cheers). Mr Htjrstiiouse, who was revived with cheers, said : — The Chairman has said that he does not know me so I may as will introduce myself at once as Richmond Hursthouse, an ex M.H.R., and an ambitious candidate for future Parliamentary hinors. I appear before you in a double capacity, as your late member giving an accoun of his past actions, and confessing all his tins and iniquities, and as a candidate jgiving a sketch of the measures likely to i\ intrv duced into the next Parliament, ai\l wit* which he will be called to deal if elected. 1 must express my very great satisfacti. v at finding so large a number of you assembled to-night, and think it is a cause for congratulation that the people of the colony are beginning to awake to the responsibility that devolves upon them in making their choice of representatives, for I feel sure that a very grave crisis is approaching in which you will require the very best men you can get to Berve you, and to steer the couutry through the difficulties by which it will ere long be Burrounded. I will now relate vhat took place in the last session, and first I may say that although I was never a heart; supporter of Sir George Grey, I agreed witi the rest of the Opposition to give his Gove-nmcnt a fair trial. Though I am opposed to him he and I are on the best of terms and I recognise in him a man of very j ar g e ability and great experience, and om W ho might have done an immense amount of ?ood if he would but run a straight and honest course. His action with reference to he Land Bill, when he attempted to rr e rough shod such as over the peoplerepresentatives was so no man, whatever his character or position, had a right to take. (Cheers.) [Mr Hursthouse then briefly referred to the proceedings of last session.] THE HONORARIUM. I have no desire to burke this question, and I think it necessary to tell you why my name did not appear on the division list. The estimates were brought down and we were asked to vote a quarter's expenditnre, and among this the honorarium was included. There was negligence on my part I admit, in not being there, but I deny (hat I was purposely absent in order tq avoid
voting. I have always voted against an ' increase, and it is not to be supposed that, having done this, I should walk out when the question was whether we should have £210 for a month. I wish the matter was settled once and for all, and the amount fixed by statute. lam not thin skinned on the subject, and am quite prepared to do away with the word honorarium, and to call it payment, nor am I ashamed to say that I cannot afford to go to Wellington without it. I think £40 a month would be a fair sum to allow. (Hear, hear.) I would here take the Opportunity of thankiug you for introducing me to public life, and for bringing me out of darkness into political life- I was quite inexperienced trhen I first came forward, and I received some very hard knocks from the gentlemen connected with the press, but lam now prepared to admit that very possibly they help to knock sense into my head I have also to thank them for the manner in which they have acquitted themselves towards me Since, and for the publicity they have always been ready to give to my speeches, thus enabling my constituents to form their own opinion of me. lam of a somewhat sensitive nature, and those hard knocks nearly killed me at the time, and especially did I feel bitterly those libellous reports spread abroad about me in connection with the triumphal arch at Taranaki, and I may say that it was a proud day for me when I forced Mr Sheehan to state in the House that they were not true. LAND LAWS. One of the most important subjects with which the legislature has to deal is the method of dealing with the lands of the Crown; especially is it of importance to a country constituency and therefore I give prominence to it. What we have to provide for, I consider, is how the greatest number can be enabled to derive their living from the soil. Whether this is to be done by small holdings, properties of various sizes, or of large extent is the question that has to be decided, the object to be kept in view being how the colony is to be settled by a prosperous and happy people of all classes. I want to see the poorer classes happy and contented, and at the same time I would do nothing to frighten capital away from our shores. I and quite aware that the present law fixing the minimum price at £1 per acre is totally unsuiteti to this district, and that until it is altered the progress of settlement will be completely stopped. My theory with regard to this matter is that it is not revenue we want from the land so much as to see it settled as thickly as possible, and to this end I would divide the lands into six classes with a uniform price for each, and I am not speaking of a subject of which I know nothing for I have had experience of land in all parts of the colony and I know well that some of it is cheaper at £5 an acre than other parts at five shillings. I would classify It thus: (1) open grass Jaud of first class quality Bnch as to be found in Otago, £3 per acre; (2) open grass land of inferior quality such as in the Canterbury plains, £2 ; (3) rich forest lands of excellent quality but requiring both labor and capital to clear it, £1; (4) poor flat land such as that between here and the West Coast, /a Gd; (5) open grass hills to be found in Canterbury and Otago, 10s; (6) open barren hills such as those to the north of Auckland and the Moutere hills, 7s 6d. These prices would be high enough for people to take them up and make a livelihood from the land, and also to prevent their being bought tip by speculators. The Land Bill provides for deferred payments, but it is not liberal enough for small capitalists to take advantage of it as the price is 50 per cent higher than for cash, thus taking away with one hand the privilege given with the other. Ten per cent more would, I think, be ample (hear, hear). With regard to preventing the acquirement of large estates, I really do not see how it 13 to be done by law. ;Do what we will, we cannot put men with but a little money on the same footing as the capitalists. In New South Wales the purchase of more than 640 acres by one man was forbidden, but this was got over by what is known as the dummy system, thus rendering the law inoperative. People are blamed for acquiring large estates, but I cannot not join in this for it is the laws and not the people who was to blame, and it was rendered possible by Sir George Grey, who so lowered the prices as to induce the capitalists and speculators to pour into the country. No doubt he thought he was benefiting the much talked of poor man, but instead of that he was inflicting an injury upon him. If Mr William Robinson had had to yay £1 or £3 an acre for his land he would have been compelled to employ labor to work it in order to make it remunerative, whereas by procurring it at a few shillings an acre he can afford to be satisfied with using it for pastoral purposes, and is able to live like a priuce on the proceeds. The price of land should be that which it is worth, and that is to be arrived at by ascertaining what it will re-produce. But if the purchase of large estates cannot not be prevented, their redistribution in after years might be, by abolishing the law of entail. In a country like this where there are no ancestral estates, the State should step in and prevent the perpetuating of large properties by compelling the owner at his death to divide them among his children, and not allowing him to leave all to one This is now the case where persons died intestate, and I cannot not see why it should not be insisted upon in wills. The people have a right to the soil, and it is the duty of the State to see that off that soil a 9 many mouths as possible should be fed These are my notions on a subject that is occapying the minds of some of the most advanced thinkers in Great Britain. public works. After providing for the sale of the lands the next thing is to give access to them, and I advocate the opening up of the country by railways and roads. Where railways are not taken the people of the district have a right to demand money for other purposes of communication. I shall never cease to endeavor to secure that key for Nelson which is to be found in the railway from Foxbill to Amberley. We worked hard for it last year and were partically successful, but we had t ) light against Mr Macandrew whose mind i; not sufficiently advanced to think of anyihiug outside his own district. Mr Blair's epoi t is most detrimental to the interests of Xeisou recommending as itdoes that for years io some there shall be no railway north of the Hcrunui, and the throwing of a lot more money into sea at Greymouth when already a '.arge sum has been expended with the sole result of hermetically sealing that port to vessels of any size. A railway from the Coast to Lyttelton is recommended, but to here is the shorter distance with the easier gradients, and Nelson has every claim to be made the depot for the West Coast coal. LOCAL INDUSTRIES Mr Hursthouse said that he was not in favor of prohibitory duties, but thought that by a modicum of protection many of our local industries, including the timber trade and grain growing, ought to be fostered. I The other colonies protected themselves against us and it was difficult to say why lew Zealand should remain a free trader surrounded by protectionists. EDUCATION. was in favor of free primary educatlo n»in the benefits of which every child who . ould be got at should be made to P artlcl ?te, but he would not subsidise higher educatu,. The present Act was a grand and a liberal . ieasurej an( j ne h ope( j to Bee j t remain ia t3 present state for a long time to come.
ELECTORAL REFORM. He had no objection to see the franchise extended to bonafide settlers of two years standing, but did not think it was going to bring m the 70,000 talked of by Sir George Grey. He would prefer to see some simple mode of registration, such as making the district post-masters registration officers from whom proper forms could be obtained, for eleven months out of the twelve instead of for one only. At present there was great difficulty in getting on the roll for those unacquainted with the modus operandi. The more liberal the franchise within certain bounds the batter, but he did not approve of manhood suffrage in a country like this where people syere pouring in, who had not and were not likely for some time to have a stake in it. TRIENNIAL PARLIAMENTS. He had not made up his mind on this subject and would not like to be pledged upon it. but he would weigh well all the arguments brought forward and vote accordingly. He felt that so sure as this measure was put, so (Continued on fourth page.)
surely wouldthere be .£2.10 a V car voted for members N o nian t)f } 1( , llor ' aUll i llteprity would refuse to re%n if requested to do so Dy a majority of his constituents and the expense ol .frequent elections would be very great. On the whole he thought the arguments for, were not equal to those against the measure. It was said it would bring members and thoir constituents face to face oftener. out they generally met their constituents aftor each session, when all the little roughnesses were smoothed away, and the dwagrecTlbles which were sometimes said in a corner ■were brought out and rubbed off. (Hear hear). RE-OISTI'IEHTION or SEATS. No Bill for tliiv purpose framed upon a purely initiation ba.-is would ever meet with nis submit, for he mill.] imagine nothing more objectionable oi- un'air. New Zealand ©we.l her prosperity to tho country and not to. the towns, and lie would always be found righting for the countiy districts. (Hear, hear). MISCELLANEOUS. I have been ridiculed for saying that such measures as the Fencing and Impounding laws are of as much importance to my constituents as finance, but the proof "of the pudding is in the eating, and on my return from a session I am frequently asked about the former but never about the latter. (Hear, hear.) Those laws which affect our social well being, are the ones in which the generality of the people take the greatest inWest. These are the licensing laws. Arc they satisfactory .' Is it advisable to have one law in one place and another somewhere else I There should be classification and uniformity of fees according to that classification. There can be no reason why a publican in the Waimea should pay £15. and in Motueka £lU\ The districts should be made larger, and the whole of the shores of Blind Bay be included in one district with one set of Commissioners. (Hear, hear.) I am in favor of the Local Option Bill in a modified form. There can be no more equitable mode of dealing with this question thanby handing the power over to the people, but the area of the districts should be considerable. Whether a public house was desirable or not would probably never be decided as between man and man. but the public should be the judges. I shall always try to prevent anything having a tendency to class legislation, or calculated to set one class against another. I look upon capital and labor as equally necessary, and I would never be a party to making laws to the benefit of one and the injury of the other. I blame Sir George Grey very greatly for his attempt to create a class feeling, and I am very glad indeed to see th.it the people of New Zealand are setting their faces against it. We who are less wealthy are trying to acquire property. We are all striving to get better, and will be glad when the day arrives when we can lay aside the pick and shovel and step into our carriages. At least I know that I shall. I want to see justice to all alike, to the poor as well as the rich, and the rich as well as the poor. It is said that the colony is passing through a great crisis, and no doubt it is. for the fact is we are living beyond our means. Wo are depending on the sale of our lands — a most uncertain source, as last year it showed a deficit of over £300.000 — for our revenue, and we shall never be in «i sound position until our ordinary revenue is equal to our ordinary expenditure, and this must be brought about either by reduction of departmental expenditure or by increased taxation. When Sir George Grey proposed that the former should begin with the Ministers I supported him. The House, however, did not agree to it. If it had I have no doubt he would have acted upon the resolution, but I could not help noticing in the division that his own friends, and those who generally voted as they were told by him. went into the opposite lobby. I make no assertions in reference to this, but 1 have no doubt that you are as able as I am to draw your own inferences. If increased taxation is necessary, it will have to take the form of a general tax upon propeity, and by property I mean all sources of wealth, and every man must pay according to his wealth in whatever shape he possesses it. The land tax I look upon as a mere abortion for the poor farmer who has borrowed money to purchase his farm has to bear the burden, while the capitalist who lends it and resides in England comfortably drawing his eight or nine per cent escapes scot free. We constantly hear of the hard times and the complaints of financial distress are frequent, and still there are signs of [elasticity everywhere. The Customs revenue, so far from showing a reduction, is increasing, the receipts from the railways have largely exceeded the esti-' mate, thus showing that the people have money to pay for travelling about, and there are other indications of this being a most prosperous country. If we have to impose increased taxation we should not forget to look at the advantages we enjoy. Every village has its school and post office, and most of them have their telegraph offices, and some their railway, and for these benefits we must expect to pay. lam an advocate of the extension of the railway system so long as it is useful, and I do not think we should make it a sine qua non that the lines should pay directly so long as they are doing bo indirectly in the way of opening up the country for settlement. NATIVE AFFAIRS. Mr Hursthouse, who claimed to speak with come knowledge of this subject gained from experience, referred at some length to the present state of affairs, and expressed his conviction that the Government would have to establish its authority, and that Te Whiti and his followers at Parihaka would have to be made amenable to the law, even if it was at the point of the bayonet. There never would be a satisfactory settlement of the difficulty until the Maoris and the Europeans were treated alike. CONCLUSION. I now wish to thank you for listening to me so attentively. If you return me again I shall to the best of my ability endeavor to serve you faithfully and with credit to myself. I thank you for having borne with me patiently, and for overlooking my faults during the time I have been your representative. You brought me out, and to yon I owe my education in politics. If yon are content with me in the past I hope you will trust me in the future. If there is another you think will serve you better, don't be influenced by any feeling you may have towards me as a good sort of fellow, but send to represent yon the man you think best calculated to promote your welfare, for as I said before the time has arrived when you want the very best man you can get. (Loud and continued cheering.) Mr Hursthouse having expressed his willingness to reply to any questions, Mr W. WniTE asked whether he would take action with other Nelson members in refrence to Mr Blair's report. Mr Hubsthotjse was prepared to work shoulder to shoulder with other members for the railway, he believed the report to have been concocted between Mr Blair and Mr Macandrew. The Canterbury members would work with the Nelson men, for they too were indignant with regard to that report. In reply to Mr Gardner Hunter, Mr Httrsthouse said he would support a duty on hops. _ Mr T. Hakley : Would you be in favor of licensing Clubs and placing them under police surveillance. Mr Htjbsthouse : What Clubs do you mean? Cricket Clubs, Lawn Tennis Clubs, or what? Mr Hablet : That's a good parry. I mean Clubs where liquor is sold,
MrlluiiSTjiousK: I don't see why Clubs that arc open to the public should nJt pay a license fee. Mr Harley : Will you be willing to a^ree y.-ith any action the Government may take m this matter. Mr Htjrsthousk . Certainly Mr Y>v.\.l : Arc you in favor of an elective Legislative Council .' Mr IIUKSTHOfSK : It is a fearfully complicated question, and I hardly like to'pledge myself. The Council, .-us at present constituted has done much good service to the tryMr I[.\m-KY : Arc you in favor of ;i Bankinstitution for the Colony .' Mr HriisnioisK: I "think the Government have plenty to do already. If you pvc them much more, nine-tenths of the public will be Government officials. Mr Whatt : Would you be in favor of the Upper House beiny elected by the Lower House / Mr HURSTHongE : This is another question I would rather not reply to on the spur of the moment. Mr Harley : Are you in favor of Chinese immigration .' Mr HfRSTHor.SE: I think the less we have to do with them the better (laughter aud cheers). Mr Harley: Do you approve of the Government importing materials for the railway. Mr HiRSTHOVSE : I deprecate sending- out of New Zealand for anything- we can produce here at something near the same price. Mr Harley : Would you support the Nelson members in getting a vote to improve the harbor. Mr Hursthouse : My first duty is to my country constituents. After that I shall be prepared in any way to benefit the Nelson district. Mr John Ford: What about immigration ? Mr Hursthouse: I do not think it is desirable to import more yet. I don't think we get the right sort of men. We want men who will go into the back country, and not expect to be in the same position at the end of one year as those who have been here thiity years (hear, hear). Mr Bell then moved a vote of confidence in Mr Hursthouse, which was seconded by Mr Frederick Blundell. and carried with loud and long applause. The Chairman : All who are in favor of the vote of confidence hold up your hands. Nearly every hand went up. The Chairman: Against it? A Voice (very earnestly) : Not a soul (renewed cheering). The Chairman : I congratulate you Mr Hursthouse. There are many candidates in New Zealand to-night who would give a great deal to get such a vote, and one so well deserved. Mr Hursthouse returned thanks, and a vote of thanks to the Chairman brought the meeting to a close.
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Bibliographic details
Nelson Evening Mail, Volume XIV, Issue 208, 3 September 1879, Page 2
Word Count
3,934MOTUEKA ELECTION. Nelson Evening Mail, Volume XIV, Issue 208, 3 September 1879, Page 2
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