MR. ACTON ADAMS' MEETING

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume XIV, Issue 22, 25 January 1879, Page 2

MR. ACTON ADAMS' MEETING

The Provincial Hall, both below and in the galleries, a large number of ladies beiug in tbe latter, rrns crowded to excess last night on the occasion of Mr Adams 1 address to the electors. On the motion of Mr John Graham the chair was taken shortly after ei" ht o'clock by ° The llou. K. Edwards, who said that he had somewhat unexpectedly been called upon to occupy that position, which was to have been filled by the Mayor, but unfortunately he had not returned from a visit to the south. In taking the chair he was not actuated by any political bias but was simply there to see that that order was kept, which, happily, was characteristic of political meetings in Nelson. He would now call upon the candidate to address them. Mit. Adams, who was received with loud cheers, said : Mr Chairman and gentlemen, as I announced in my printed address my main reason in seeking a seat in Parliament is that I may advance what is the chief object of my ambition, namely, the connection of Nelson with the maiu trunk railway of the Middle Island. But before speaking on that all important topic, I will submit my views on the principal political questions of the day for your approval. I cannot pretend to be able to give you such an exhaustive political address as an older politician who has spent years in the House could do, but I have all my life taken a great interest in the good government of the people both here and in England, and I have read and studied the leading writers on political economy, and I may claim to have acquired some knowledge of its principles though none of its practice. CUSTOMS TARIFF. In 1877 Mr Woolcock carried a resolution to alter the incidence of taxation. There was a great talk of a free breakfast table by the supporters of tbe present Government. It was a question of adjusting, not reducing, taxation. Although a heavily taxed people it was not considered desirable to reduce taxation. All parties were agreed, looking to the amount of money required for public works, that it was impossible to lessen the taxation without stopping the works. And could we but get our fair share of the result,' I have such faith in our resources that I would agree to even heavier taxation. On principle, I am in favor of an income and property tax as being the fairest tax possible, making every man, rich and poor, contribute towards the expenses of governing and improving the country in proportion to his means. But an income and property tax is inquisitorial and objectionable in collection ; indirect taxation is much pleasauter, only the merchants are brought into direct contact with the tax collector, aud the bulk of the people in purchasing these imported goods afterwards do not distinguish between the actual prime cost and the additional pric> caused by the tax. But lam decidedly of opinion that the Customs cannot be increased without seriously injuring the trade of the colony. It must be rembembered that we are not merely a pastoral, mining, or agricultural people, but we also engage in commercial pursuits, and we must be very careful not to take any step calculated to imperil the commerce of the colony. Any increase of revenue required for public works must be met by direct taxation, and I shall vote in that directiou. The Government proceeded on Mr Woolcock's resolution, to alter the pressure of taxation, but their proposals were so trifling that they annoyed the new set of people who were to pay the new taxes without giving the present taxpayers any substantial relief. Had their proposed changes been more radical they would have certainly pleased somebody, but their petty alterations pleased nobody at all. For instance, with a free breakfast table in view, they reduced the customs on tea from sixpence to fourpence, aud on sugar from a penny toa halfpenny, thereby losing £117,000 to the revenue, while they gave no real benefit to the consumer or "to the working man whom it was intejded to benefit. Petty alterations like this only put so much money into the merchant's pocket, and made no difference to the retail price. If the revenue would permit I should like to see the tax taken off articles of domestic consumption like tea and sugar, altogether. I think that luxuries, and not necessaries, should be taxed as a rule. Sugar is largely consumed in large families, and considering how much

money we p.re spending in immigration we ought to lighten the burdens of those who ar<> rearing large families as much ns possible. If Sir G. Grey had repealed the sugar duty, *J en £ ha PPJ father might have taken home the little pair of shoes he spoke of out of Ins week's surplus. The repeal of the sugar duty would encourage jam making, and industries like oui- Nelson jam factory, and Smith's colonial wine factory, and prevent money going away for Tasmanian jam. I think it was a mistake to take the duty off articles of home production, like grain, Hour, b.-.con, dairy produce aud timber. Though living in a town we must not forget to be fair to our fellow colonists in the country. Wo should ilpal wit}] them instead 'of people out of ih? colony. Now, an Auckland baker isimportii!£,'2oo tons of wheat from California, which is really a serious matter in a country where ngrfculture i* carried out to so ! large an extent as it is in New Zealand. J thiuk that protection is necessary to foster inutistries in a new country, either by bonuses or Customs duties. This exemption from the dontrinc3 of free tr-de is admitted by Mr Stuart Mill. Free trade is right in an old country dependent on her commerce, like I England, but without, assistance in the first instiiueo people will not risk the starting of new adventures here, where purchasers ate shy of buying new manufactures when they have been accustomed for so long to particular brands, and [ think that assistance is best given by a bonus. Changes in taxation are undesirable unless some real good is thereby attained- Such changes affect values of property and business profits arbitrarily, aud present people investing in them. This retards settlement and prevents the influx of capital. COMPANIES* TAX. I object to the proposed tax ou Companies as taxing associated enterprise and not individual, whilst individual enterprise always has the best chance and makes the largest profits on account of Us better management. Mauy^ concerns, like shipping, banking, manufacturing, and insurance businesses yield heavy profits, and can only be undertaken with large capital. Without the power of combining in Companies, capitalists would monopolise their businesses, but by associating in Companies the poor man can make as much per £ on his capital as the rich. HEER TAX. I object to the beer tax as a new, unnecessary, and objectionable tax. 1 hope the excise officer will never be seen iv New Zealand. How does it help the working man to take part of the tax off bis sugar aud put it on his beer? Even Mr Fox, "the apostle of the Good Templars, opposed the" beer tax. LAXD TAX. Many reasons are given for this tax, but the best was that the railways having improved the land, owners should specially contribute towards the revenue. I think land owners can fairly pay for the advantage and increase of value resulting from good means of access. Where the railways have produced an increased value to their land I thiuk that owners ought fairly to contribute towards the interest of the money that produced the railways. If the land tax could have been confined to those who had bene fitted by the Public Works policy by the construction of railways through or' near to their lauds, no tax could be fairer. People have made thousands down south by the increased value given to their land by the railways. Ashburtou land which was formerly barely worth £2 per acre now brings from £S to £10. If Nelson got its fair share of public works I should not say a word against the laud tax, but I think the imposition of the laud tax towards paying part of the interest on our public works debt gives us an additional claim on the Government far our railway. I thank the Government for affording us this handle with which to work, and feel sure that it will be turned to account whether Mr Pitt or myself should be returned. i,k<;islative couxcil. Coming from taxation to general politics, i I may say I should like to see a reform of the Upper House. I should like to see it reformed, but not abolished. I consider two Chambers necessary to our constitution. The action of the Legislative Council is often very useful as a check ou hasty legislation -, for instance, they stopped the Efectoral Bill passing, granting dual representation to the Maori, which was so much objected to. Had the House of Representatives been the sole Chamber, probably the Government would have felt bound to carry out the hasty resolution it passed last session for removing the seat of Government. I should prefer to see the members of the Upper House elected instead of nominated, elected by electors possessing a freehold qualification of a certain amount. The s} stern of nominating does not secure to each part of the colony a fair representation, nor a fair proportion of members. This is really necessary, where, as iv New Zealand, we are improving as well as governing the country. If Mr Macandrew wanted to carry a Bill he might swamp the preseut Couucil with a batch of Otago creations. I think thatbraius ought to be represented as well as wealth. The Council ought to resemble the Roman Senate and represent the experienced intelligence of the people. I agree with Mr Curtis that both Houses shonld sit together to avoid a deadlock, and I should be glad to assist in promoting such a measure. ELFCTORAL ISU.L. The Electoral Bill provided, iv addition to the freehold, leasehold, honsehold, and ratepayer's franchise that men who had been two years in the colony and six months in the district might vote. This Bill was lost in the Upper House because the Government amended it by introducing a clause, giving Maoris a right to vote wherever they possessed any legal or exquitable interest in property and without paying rates. I think this amendment was wrong, as, if taxation necessarily implies a right to representation, then representation ought not to be granted without taxation. I shall vote against the dual representation of the Maoris. lam in favor of a fair extension of the franchise so as to include the body of the people, not the idle loafers, not acre birds of passage, but I think that nil the educated residents of the country ought to have votes. Such an ex tension would beget true patriotism. A country can never be really patriotic unless the great majority of its people are interested in its government. Thus, the life-blood of patriotic national feeling runs through the whole body politic, and the utterances of its leaders represent, not merely the views of a section of its inhabitants, but the voice of an united aud intelligent nation. I KIKXDLY SOCIETIES. I am deeply interested in these societies, in proof of which I think I may fairly quote the fact that I have been a member of one them for fifteen years. lam at present the Deputy Provincial Grandmaster of the OddFellows of the Nelson District. I think the Friendly Societies deserve the attention and encouragement of the Government. I think their by-laws and rules ought to be revised and printed by the Government free of charge, and that the Government ought to make them as uniform as possible, so that in moving from one district to another a member should not find himself embarrassed by different rules. I think that greater facilities for registration ought to be given. At present there is a vast amount of red tape in the way of registration. These Societies relieve the hospitals of the colony of half their sick. Taxation would be greatly increased were it not for their action. People who smile at the regalia and banners of these Societies ought to congratulate themselves

that their effect is to lessen the Amount required for hospitals, and charitable aid. (A Voice : What about the Good Templars ?) What of the Good Templars ? Well, I say that the Good Templars prevent, and the Odd-Fellowsand Foresters cure and relieve, sickness. (Cheers.) The result of these Societies is to inculcate a spirit of independence, coupled with economy. I take a great interest in the members of these Societies ; men who have their cottages and earn their £2 a week by the labor of their hands. And Friendly Societies and Good Templars are doing untold good for that class, and raisiug its members to a far nobler, more intelligent, and independent position than they used to occupy. CHINESE IMMIGKATTOX I object to any large immigration of Chinese. We have a new country to build up and a new people to govern, and we cannot be (oo careful about our immigrants. I think no one can read about the state of social and moral depravity in San Francisco, and Sydney where large bodiesof Chinese congregate together, without feeling how necessary it is to protect our people from such contamination. I Jhink we ought to strive to retain our country for the Anglo Saxon race, aud that it is far too good to be given up to the Mongolian. Ido not wish to see the British arlizan whose hard work requires him to be liberally fed ois beef and bread brought into competition in the labor market with the Chinaman who can subsist on a handful of rice per day, and pehaps a little curried dog. They don't come here as settlers, but hoard up their earnings and when they have made what they consider enough they are off back to the Flowery, Land, and won't even leave us their bones if they can help it. (Cheers).

TOE RAILWAY. Tho connection of Nelson with thi rest of this islaud lies engaged ray attention for many ycara. la 1873 I was a member of the Inland Communication Committee, nnd was a member of the Sub-committee appointed to draw op the report. Mr Sbephard framed the main report, nnd my duty was (o devieo a financial scheme, which I did, and it was ultimately adopted by the Committee. (Mr Adorns then went en to relate lie proceedings of the lolacd Communication Committee, of which be was an active member, an 5 stated that so convinced was he of tho success that would attend a company formed to make tie railway, that ou behalf of his firm, he dF-reJ to take sbarea lo tho amount of £1000. After fieying that bo bftlieved there was yet a hard fight to b 3 foapbt before the through railway waa obtained, he proceeded a? foliowp): — Sir George Grey has unintentionally given us encouragement to press our claim. lv eddressiug bis constituents recently, ho said that it «vaa his <iuty, as their representative to see that they got their fair share, and their duly as bia constituents to ace that he dIJ hie duty, and theh would be wauting in intelligence end activity if they did not. Sir George will hear more of this in tbo Houae, Up to 1877 the Nelson railway was recognised as part of tbo public works scheme la 1878 it was excluded, and it was oniy by the greuteßt efforts that the Government could be induced to place it or any part of it on the list. The proposed injustice to the people of Nelson was iuteneely felt here. The Bishop of Nelson addressed an able letter to the Premier on tha subject ; a public meeting was held, and I, as you know, wrote an appeal to Mr Macandrew. The exact vulue of (hat pamphlet it is impossible to ascertain, but I have reason to believe that it led many members to pay attention to the matter ; that it afforded them information which they did not previously possess as to the value of tho country through which the line wouKl pass, that it impressed them with the injustice that it was proposed to inflict upon Nelaon, and that it largely conduced to a portion of the line being placed on the schedule. The reason why it producrd this effect waß that it waa founded on truth — another instance of the correctness of the old proverb — " Magna est veritas, et <prceva\ebiC There wus some talk of our membiia trying to get what they wanted by lobbying, bat I was alwayß agoing this, and urged that it should be debated in the House. At last our members adopted this course, aed did it well. It was the first time they had all worked together for the gooJ of Nelson, and the result was so encouraging that I hope it will not bo the last. And here I think I may cay a word in my own behalf. Neither Mr Pitt nor myself are known to many members of the House personally, but I am by my pamphlet. If you nject me, they will Bay, « Well, the people of Nelson cau't care much for their railway if they reject the man who wrote that." On the other hand, if you return me, they will argue — " Thai's tbe mao who pitched into Macandrew's Public Works scheme ; the Nelson people wouldn't have sent him here if they bad not believed in him, and what he had to say. (Cheers and laughter). If this line were made, we could well afford to hand over the land, which would pay for its construction. But there is not only the land, but the yield of gold. At Inangahua this is steadily increasing. In 1873, it was £7,000; in 1874 £13,000 ; in 1875, the same ; in 1876' £27,000; and in 1877, £50,000. There is cob!, too, in abundance, which can be brought to Nelson over a far easier gradient than that which would have to be traversed on the way toLyttehon. There, it is, in the steepest part 1 in 25, here 1 in 40, the highest hill between Nelson and Greyraouth being Spooner's Range. When the Government are applied to now to proceed with our railway, we are told that the preesure of the work upon the department is so great that they "cannot attend to ue. Why ? Because the money ib all being rapidly spent in pushing on tbe railways in Otago. This is an injustice that I am not at all prepared to submit to We want nothing more than our own, and our own we ought to get. Before this question I am inclined to think that, with Neleoa members, all others ought to fade into insignificance. (Loud cheers). EDUCATION. I will now proceed to speak upon education. The Act of 1 877 has been in force only a little over a year, and I think it ought to be allowed aB fair a trial as was granted to the previous system. To introduce denominational education into New Zealand would be to take a step backwards. (Loud cheers.) The effect of Mr Curtis' Bill would be to establish a number of smßli and ineffective schools, instead of large and efficient oneß. When we look at New Zealand bb a whole — and it is from that point of view that I deßire to look at it — we see that there is no large capital town; the geography does not admit of it, but we find & number of small towns and hamlets, and if any particular sect, say the Boman Catholics or the Church of England, are allowed to establish their small schools and to have them subsidised, how is the money to be provided for the Government schools? If all come under one system, we san provide for education in a far cheaper manner, end cheap* ness is not to be disregarded. ' There

can be no doubt that it is <he duty of the state to educate the yoan-?, and not allow to th°m, on account, pe? haps, of csreleß?nees or poverty of Jhsir parfnta to grow up in imorance. Tb-i burden no doubt ia a grent one still it must be borne, but if the subsidies cro handoJ over to the Catholic schools, tbe cost will be far greater, while (ho work wii! not bo so well dr.no, and we eh-ill have a lot of illpaid teachers and i!l-nt:ecdrd echoola, inatfaJ of well comlu'iloi] Government establishments. (lou.] cheers ana hisses ) I hope that to oae will hiss me, hscaues I am endeavoring to approach this matter in a calm an i ditpaesionate manner, and to siate quietly whet I consider to be my duty. I say it will be cheaper to work unier oue system, there will bo a better btcauga a lurgor choice cf teac!icr«\ and the Government wiil have the complete supervision, inateaJ of paving servants over whom they Lava no control. And another g.-avo consideration ia that we shall have one form of national secular schools, resulting in inculcating in the children of the* colony a national and unsectariam spirit, in stead of retaining tl.oso religious pitjudices, which we ought to desire to set* swept away (cheers), but which will never be got rid of so long as wa hn-jd our children over to be taught by the paid servants of sectarianism. It is absurd for r.ny to say that they can not avail themselves" of the present system. No Act could be better than that of 1877. It provides as to the school hours and the lessons to ba taught, whih consietof reading, writing, arithmetic, grammar, geography, aud history, the latter to be laugh tat the end of the school time, so that parents ohjeefiog might withdraw their chihirenii'they pleaseJ. I will do all I can to improve the Act if necessary, but what I want to Bee is religion kfpt entirely apart from rational education. I say that if the Stale is to be called upon for subsidies here and eubsiJies there, it cannot satisfactorily carry out tbe woik of education, Take a country district, where there is, perhaps, a school of 40 children. If this is to be split up in o two you double the cost without the slightest necessity for so doin^. Mr Curtis' Bill provided for secular education, but after echool hours the teacher may proceed to give religious instruction. The s&me provision is made in the Act of 1877 with regard to history. Where is the difference? As a matter of fuct, theru is no religious difficulty in the way. Whqt religion is there in realin^, writing, and elementary science? I don't inculcate religious principles iuto my articled clerks. As to the books to be used, they are to be selected by tho Governor in Council, co that the Minister ia ac:ually responsible for them, and any member may lay nn objectionable book on the table of the Houae and call the attention of Parliament to it. I will here quote frou the speech on education made by tbe lion. Mr Sneehan in the Housa of Represeutatives: —

"The honourable gentleman hns appealed to the occupants of the Ministerial benches not to oppose this Bill. I wii answer this at once, ami say that I will oppose it straight ard thoroughly. I did not wish to t«ke part in the debate myself, but I am compelled to answer a few arguments adduced by the honorable gentleman who has just spoken. In the first place, he tells ua that, because the objection on the part of the Roman Catholic is a conscientious objection, we cannot .'discuss it, cannot judge or weigh it, but must allow it. Why, Sir, supposing a sect were to start who had an objection to pay- taxes — the land-tax for instance, or the beer-tax — are we to be shut out from making them pay on account of their religious scruples ?

Mr Gisborce. — There is no analogy. Mr Sheehan. — I think it is quite in point, because you cannot draw a line and state where conscientious objections shouid stop. Then tho honorable gentleman says that the principle of secular education embodied in the Education Act ia equivalent to the restrictions placed upon the Catholics before the Emancipation. There is this broad distinction, that 'the whole people of the colony are pieced on the same tooting by the law to which tho honorable gentleman referred, but before Catholic Emancipation the people were not placed upon the same footing. A Catholic could not possess the franchise, hold public office, or enter Parliament unless he subscribed a certain oaih which was offensive to his conscience end religion Mr Gisboroe.-— He cannot send his children to these schools unless he violates his conscience.

Mr Sheehan.— What is the answer to that? The Bill itself, by the provision which it contains that there shall be no religious instruction in the schools to b-3 established under it duriog school hourß. This is the answer that exposes the real eham of the thing— because it is n perfect fehaoa. There ia no man in this House more called upon than I am to speak on this question. I am an Irishman and a Catholic, and proud of being both ******* In 1872 I was instrumental, ns a member of ihe Government in the Province of Aucklaud, in bringing in the first seculnr education law that came into force in this colony. I intend to stand by the opinions 1 then expressed. I was then told that becauee of my action I was not likely to be returned to a seat in the Provincial Council or in thia House, But I say, if a man

cannot enter this House unless he has purchas-id the support of tbe Catholic vote upon this question, it is better for him to stop out of i*. I decUneto boll a f<eat here as reprtseiitinssny religious body. I come hero ns n colonist ami bs a mr-mber of tbe community, aod I decline Jo be bound to vote at the bidding of any bishop, or priest, or other person. * * * Surely if thd Bible, OKI fjsid Now, and if jeligion iis. n lf, b* worth f;;!kia2 wbour, (ho teachers of religion ouj»h! to be uhle to rt-sist the evils? of iho aecular aysiom. Tha teacherß of teiiirion have for their work fvery morning ami evening, all day Sun'isy and Saturday, in r.d. i ion to tbo help they obiaiu from h»me iiiflti-rtices, and if they cannot ket-p the children free from the contaminating itfluencea of a system of secular education the sooner they give up the woik tho bcitc.r. It is perfectly absurd Jo talk about conscientious scrunlcß. Many of my personal friends in this House I know will follow me and jump upon mo for speaking as I do, hut I contend that tha interest of every Cutholic lies in promoting the eetal:lislnrn.-ut of thoroughly and stiictiy ocoular ejucaiion in the colony, and if they bre rightly advised by the people who ought to lead them thfy will go in that direction. I say, furthermore, it is beyond their power to alter it— absolutely. They cannot do it. They will sicaply mnka a fight in which they will be beaten, and they will leave behiud quer;e!s and dissensions that will last for years. I am sure that the honorable member for Nelson City speaks from conviction, and will do what he thinks is right; but I will tell him and the people behind him that he ia goiDg dead against the interests of the people he wishes to serve, bcrau»e tho course which he proposes would result in building up a barrier between tbe various sections of tho people in the colony — not only a religious barrier, but a national barrier. Let us not ask who is Irish, English, or Scotch, but let us be warned by what has passed in the Old Country, and try to build up something better. Let us endeavor to emontb nil differences between Catholics end Protestants, and to forget the wrongs that both have suffered. Let ua build up a new order of thing?. But, if you wish to do that, you must not have denominational education. The time will come when one will not bra askfvl whether !;e is a Proteetanf, a Catholic, a Presbyterian, when he is ent^riai! tho Hou»«, but he wilt bo called upon to come hers to do tho people's business; and (ho ti.ne will aiso come whan the Catholic peoplo will adraU the force of the arguments I am usin», and will see that their real interest lies in supporting strict and thorough system of secular education."

That is what Mr Sheehan had to say on this matter. I ask you to give the new Act a fair trial. Denominational education has had its trial. How did the world prosper when education was left entirely to the religious bodies. For 300 years they monopolised the work, and what do we now call that period? The dark ages. We must as a State take up the work of education and suffer none to wrest it from us. If we do, we part with the salvation of the people. I have travelled in Italy and have seen the wretched state of the people there. I have been in Eome and seen the doors of her great cathedral guarded by French soldiers. I enquired why this was, and then learned from the unhappy peasantry how it was that the Church governed them. What progress has been made by Spain where the education of the people was entrusted to the Church ? Are they not a poor, wretched, uneducated, ignorant, miserable people? I know lam doing a bold thing to use these words, and to speak thus of Mr Curtis' Bill, when addressing Mr Curtis's constituency. The eye 3 of the colony will be upon' us in this contest, and anxiously look for the decision that Nelson arrives at in this matter. I know that orders have gone forth that no Catholic ia to support a candidate who will not vote for Mr Curtis' Bill I have been told by some of my friends that if I did not pledge myself to support it I should lose my election. This may be the result of my declaring myself, but still I am bold enough to do bo, and I ask you aa intelligent people to rally round the standard of secular education, and I ask all Protestant ministers to make a stand against this attempt to force a certain system upon us whether we will or no. If education is of such importance as is asserted by the Catholics why, the greater the reason that we should not lose State control over it. Once more I ask you to rally round the stand <rd of secular education, and in Mr Curtis' own stronghold to show that you are bold enough to vote for the man who has the

courage to oppose his Bill. (Loud and continued cheering.) CONCLTTSIOX. There is only one other subject on which I will touch to-night, and that is a personal one. lam here soliciting your suffrages and I am willing to submit my whole lifetoyourinspection. I came to Nelson 29 years ago, and since then my father's family and myself have resided amongst you. I was educated at Nelson College, an institution of which we are all so proud, and shortly after leaviug there I went home for a time to study law. Since 1862 I have been working at my profession in Nelson. My savings are invested iv Nelson; my interests are identical with yours. lam going over id. a direct loss to myself, but trust that it will prove an indirect gain. I have felt that in order to stay the retrograde movement of Kelson it is necessary for some of her business men to make some small sacrifice to check the tide of depression that is setting in. (Cheers.) I have no other business in Wellington to engage my attention, and will give my whole time towards retrieving the position of Nelson. I will assist to organise our party under the leadership of Mr Curtis, and to make | the power of Nelson felt by those who now treat us with contempt. I will try to prevent the name of " Sleepy Hollow" being a by-word of reproach throughout the colony, and to prove that we have a community as educated, as intelligent, and as euterprisiug as any in the colony. (Cbeer3.) Gentlemen, lam entirely in your hands. It is for you to choose between Mr Pitt and myself. I have a very popular adversary, and I am not going to say a word against him. Reject me and I will go back to my office, and will render what little help I can privately towards the railway. Elect me and I devote myself to your service. Mr Adams having stated his willingness to answer any questions sat down amid loud aud pro'onged cheering. Mr John Grahaii said that he had a question which he meant to put both to Mr Adams and to Mr Pitt. But before doing so he wished to say that he liad never before listened to so liberal, so bold, and so outspoken a speech, and he could appreciate ife the more that he was given to speaking out pretty plainly himself. An orator perhaps might have used choicer language, but for lucidness of expression, and making himself understood, Sir George Grey himself could not have done better. Sir George Grey invariably carried his audiences wiih him, but all the time he was saying to himself, Am I not woodwiukiug them ? Whereas Mr Adams he believed was honest and sincere in what he said. It was not without a good deal of regret that he was going to vote against Mr Pitt, for a more jolly, gentlemanly man he did not know. Many people thought like him and had said, " I don't like to vote for Adams lest I should offend Pitt," but he was not afraid of this for he did not 1 believe that Air Pitt would be offended with a man who voted according to his convictions. Mr Adams' interests lay entirely in Nelson and he was one who liked to look after his own interests, and in doing so he must advance those of the people of Nelson. The question he would put to Mr Adams was this :— To do justice to yourself and your constituents your whole time must be devoted ex clusiyely to the work of Parliament, aud if you tell us that you can and will do so, yon will get my support and I believe that of hundreds of others. Mr Adams : It is well-known that for two or three years I have been repeatedly asked to go into Parliament, but I have always said that I could not leave my business. JNW, however, my brother is here, and I can do so and I am sure that what with the work in Committees, in the lobbies, and in the House, I shall have quite as much work as I can get through during the ! day. Mr Haddow moved a vote of thanks to Mr Adams for his clear and able speech, and he hoped that when Mr Pitt addressed them he would have as | attentive and good-humored an audience. He quite endorsed what Mr Graham had said about Mr Pitt for he respected him highly and was sorry to have to vote against him. He only wished they had seats for both the candidates. He trusted that the good feeling with which the contest had commenced would continue till its close. Mr E. Eurn seconded the resolution. He had heard many political speeches before but never one with which he had been better satisfied and pleased. The vote was carried by acclamation, and a vote of thanks to the chairman brought the meeting to a close.