THE ELECTORAL BILL.

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume XIII, Issue 195, 14 August 1878, Page 4

THE ELECTORAL BILL.

The following report of thn debate on the second reading of the Bill is from the " Post " :— Mr Stout moved the second reading of the Electoral Bill, He explained the principles and details of the measure (of which a precis has already appeared in our columns), and combattaii the arguments generally raised against manhood suffrage. He found that about two-thirds of the men of the colony were now disfranchised, and made, to use the words of another honorable member, on outcast or pariah class, from no fault of their own, He could not see anything in the "stake in the country" argument, for any man who earned his living in the colony had a Stake in it, and wag interested in its well-being. He had no fear of the experiment, because tbe disfranchised classes were not inferior in education and brain power to those who had the franchise, and they would be no more open to bribery and corruption. He next devoted himself to showing that Hare's system of proportional representation was inapplicable to the colony, In tbe first place, he Bait}, it had not commended itself to public opinion, and that objection would be fatal to its adoption in the colony. A great deal was said about the necessity of the viewsof tbe miuority being represented, but where was this principle to stop ? If a minority of electors were to be represented, a minority of members in the House should also be represented. No measure should .be passed by the majority because it would not embody the view of the minority. Then, under this system there would be no great political parties. Every member would be elected by a clique, and would represent no organic union or political force. The brewers would return a certain number of men, the Good Templars others, the runholders a third section, and tbe banks a fourth. la faat every class particulorey interested in legislation would be represented. Thus the House wonld consist of representatives of small cliques, with no definite political views, and no common platform of union or opposition. ConBtitational government would bs impossible under such a system, and a ministry could only keep in power by logroiling, and yielding to particular men to obtain their votes. But there was another powerful objection to such a system. It not only ignored politics, bat it prevented political education* A contested election, with its speeches

■ fBnd rivalry, was a great political educa- \ "on ; but under Hare's silent ayßtem of voting, broad political '^lieetions would be lost sight c'f.aud petty personal ideas and prejudices would dike their plaoe. M> Stout next referred to the argu- ( naenta of Dr Wallia in favpj* of 6 universal female frnochffiff. He did not believe the "tfotony was ready for so extreßVd ft Step — even in America euch a law did not exist — and he thought tha Bill went quite far enough in extending the franchise (o female householders. In a few years women might be better educated in political matters, and then a further extension of the franchise might be contemplated; — Mr Whitaker eaid he would defer his reply to Mr Stout's arguments spinet tlare'a system until his own bill was before the House. He did not intend to oppose the second reading of tbe bill, but he objected toitsmachinery fls unnecessarily cumbrous. The one residential qualification was all thpt woa necessary, instead of four qualifications. He also objected to the clause which provided that a man must reside two years in the colony before he crm'd claim a vote under tbe residential qualification. The machinery for representation was expensive, curahrous, nnd unsatisfactory, and he hoped that some better provision would have been made. He could not see why natives on the electoral roll should also have a vote for native candHates. They 6hould either vote with Europeans only, or for their special representatives. He should have liked an explanation of the clause which required a voter to affix his " sian manual" to his claim for registration. He supposed it was intended as an educational test. He did not object to this, but thought the best educational test would be to require the voter to write the name of the candidate for whom he intended to vote. He concluded by agaiu urging the Government to consent to his request, that their measure and that to be introduced by him mi«ht be referred to a select committee, ao that what was best in each mighf be B-leote-J. — Mr Joyce agreed with Mr Wiiil/.k.r's remarks upon the * unsatisfactory machinery of the hill. He aleo objected to tbe registration number of tbe vote appearing on the ballot-paper, and advocated Hare's p!un for preventing personation and securing the secrecy of the ballot.— Mr Wakefield attacked the Government for the difference between their proposals and the policy ecunciated by Sir George Grey. They had retained the system of plural voting whioh was so strongly, condemned by the Premier, and by co doing had put it in tbe power of abseentee proprietors to swamp the votes of the residents in some districts in the ColoDy which he could name. Each man should havß one vote only, and that for the district in which be resided. If tbe hoD. member in charge of the bill would Dot consent to Btnend this defect, be should himself more an amendment in committee. — The debate was then, on the motion of Sir George Grey, adjourned until Tuesday.