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MEETING OF ELECTORS.

o Mr. Richmond's invitation to the electors to | meet liim at the Provincial Hall was well responded to last night, the room being filled in every part. | Mr. Collins, M. H. R., having been voted to ' the chair, said that he trusted a more than usual amount of attention would be paid to Mr. Richmond's address, as lie was a man who had for many years served his country diligently and with much honor, and was of all others the man in New Zealand who was thoroughly acquainted with the circumstances of the colony, financial or otherwise. Mr. J. 0. Richmond said that although he came forward apparently without a godfather, he need not tell those who were acquainted with him that he should not huve offered himself as a candidate, had he not known that it was the wish of a considerable number that he should do so. He had seriously debated with others who, like himself, had been excluded from the Parliament at the last general election, whether it would not be wise that they should altogether for the present voluntarily abstain from taking an active part in the politics of the colony, but he felt that there would be something unmanly and sickly in moderate men holding back because they were for the tim-3 outnumbered, and their counsels little listened to. If defeated on the present occasion, which, however, he did not expect, he should retire with the greatest tranquility, but it must not be thought from that that he intended to be at all slack in his endeavors to secure the seat for which be was a candidate. He meant to fight this election out strenuously; he would lose no opportunity oi laying his opinions most clearly before the electors, and would gladly answer every question put to him whether in reference to his public career or private matters, but he would not undertake to button-hole people in the streets, as such a course, be considered, was neither becoming in a candidate nor complimentary to the electors All was not right in the country at the present time. However varied might be the opinions entertained ont he politics of the day, he believed that one and all in that room, and the large majority of the colonists of New Zealand, felt that there was a great danger abroad; that we were playing a most desperate game. In such times candidates for election should undergo the strictest examination, and before he recorded his vote for anyone he should ask, which of the candidates is the soundest in his views, and most experienced in pnblic life, and should then go on to enquire, is he honest, is he possessed of resolution, discretion, and ability, and will he use them for the public interest ? These were questions that he expected to be asked of him and to be pushed to their utmost limits. He did not mean to anticipate all personal objections that might be raised against him, but there was one he would take up, as it had come to his ears from one of the oldest and most influential electors in the town who had make the remark with the full intention that it should reach his ears, for which he desired to thank him. It had been said that he was not independent, by which he presumed it was intended to be meant that he was not rich enough to be beyond the desire to obtain some of the loaves and fishes that wtre being so liberally dispensed by the Government, bnt he did not think thst he had ever laid himself open to the charge of using his position to his own advantage. After thirteen years of public lite, and over three years on the Ministerial benches, -he was not conscious of having in any one single instance, whether ss a private member or a Minister, strained his power or exercised his patronage to answer his own private purpose. Mistakes he might have made, but so far as his intentions went, he could hold himself thoroughly blameless. He could fully understand the deep and undisguised suspicion with which the e'ectors of the colony had learned to regard all candidates, when they saw how repeatedly votes in a certain place had been secured by the bestowal of places outside. He would however take the opportunity of declaring his positive determination that under no pretext whatever «gs|§f he accept any nonpolitical office in the cwolrjs He could see the great dangers that were arising from our being governed by place hunters, and, if elected, would use his earnest endeavors to obtain some Disqualification Act, such as was in force in New South Wales. With regard to a Ministerial position, he would never be a party to fostering the delusion that there was any impropriety in a member taking such an office ; on the contrary, he believed it was the duty of the electors to sift out the best men they could find, and send then to tb.e House hoping that they might obtain seats on the Ministerial benches, His experience of Ministerial life led him to this conclusion, tlmt before joining a Government a man should have a very clear idea of the policy he would be required to support, and so far as he could see, acting upon this principle, he should be excluded from office for some time to come. He might say to the electors that on this point they might safely trust to his discretion and honor. To como to public matters. He would first state what he considered was the present state of the country, and secondly, what in his judgment should be done. ne might begin with finance, and here the figures were not complicated, but might be said to stare us in the face, not in 3 the shape of little balances, but in amounts that ought to horrify us. The total debt of the Colony on the Ist June last was .£9,050,000, besides some Provincial debentures, the interest being £553,488. Of new loans there were at that time issued : Defence, £550,000; Public Works, £3,250,000, making a total of £3.800,000. all of which would be raised by 1875, when the total debt of the colony would be £12,830,000, the interest and sinking fund on which would be £780,500. These figures looked strange when contrasted with the next that he would place before the meeting, which showed that while the estimated colonial revenue for 1871-2 was £990,000, the expenditure was to be as follows : — Appropriations, £1,032,000 ; Road Boards, £100,000 ; Defence, £160,000 ; Total, £1,292,000, thus showing an excess of expenditure over income to the amount of £302,000. Even this deficit he was afraid might prove to be under the mark, as one of Mr. Vogel's faults was that

he was always extremely sanguine ; and thi s mention of Mr. Vogel's name led him to remark that he did not think him in any way the most objectionable member of the Ministry. He rather believed him to be the salt of Ms party, the only one of them who heartily believed in the policy that had been adopted by the country, adopted without faith and with serious misgivings. To show what grounds he had for believing Mr. Yogel to be over sanguine, he would allude to the famous " Payment to Provinces Act," which provided that a capitation grant of 40s. should be paid to the provinces, to be reduced at the rate of 2s. a year, until it reached 305., at which sum it wa3 to remain. What had become of that Act ? . Its own father had to slay it, because it Avas utterly impossible to carry it on, as it was found that the calculations on which it -was based proved to be utterly wild and impracticable. (Mr. Richmond here read several extracts from Hansard in support of his assertion that Mr. Yogel had invariably been too sanguine iv his calculations). ITe then went on to speak of the Retrenchment Budget, which, after all, provided for no real retrenchment, but proved a mere farce, one of the items proposed to be struck out by it being that of Contingencies. Now every housekeeper knew that, be as economical as she might, little expenses would crop up that could not always be calculated upon, and it was the same with the Government of a country. To strike " Contingencies " off the Estimates was the purest child's play, for they wero sure to arise and must be met whether provided for or not. Nothing whatever had been done to meet the deficit that existed ; it was hoped that something might turn up, but it was quite as possible that that something would turn up on tbe wrong, as on the right side. It was true there had been the rise in the price of wool which had helped the colony immensely, but not to the extent at first supposed, us there were large private as well as public debts to be met, and a great portion of the sums realised by such sales of wool never arrived here, but went into the pockets of the money-lenders outside the cobny. What did that deficit that was staring them in the face mean ? It meant that, by ids own natural faculty of increasing, it would by 1875 have reached the amount of £1,700,000. Did not that mean additional taxation ? Mow was it to be raised ? It could not be obtained from the Customs, they were already squeezed as much as they could bear. It would come to a tax upon land, and other fixed property, and upon another item which at present tempts the plunderer, namely, wool. The first of these would affect every class, as a tax upon land would cripple the capitalist, and through j him work injuriously upon the laborer. It was simply the old story of the belly and tbe other members. We want capital and if we drive it out j of the country we must suffer. What would he | the effect of the deficit upon the Public Works, supposing the legislature to be prudent enough to ! decline raising more loans to square the current expenditure ? The money would be ' required and would be taken from the Public Works loan. It was of course never intended that this should be so, but it was astonishing how easily objectionable clauses in Acts were set on one ride. They might depend upon it that the larger provinces would not suffer :>y this, but that the weakest would go to the wall, and Nelson might look to the Foxhill railway being hung up. With regard to this railway he would say that nine years since he had advocated in the Council the construction of a line to the West Coast, and his interest in tbe matter Jhad not one whit abated. He did not i think a railway to Foxhill alone, constructed on j an expensive scale, would pay working expenses, but as the first portion of a cheap line to be ultimately carried through to the Buller he heartily approved of it, and thought that Nelson had a right to claim it. He would, of course, be expected to refer to the importation of Scandinavians, and with re- ! gard to this, ho must say that he was not one of those who joined entirely in the cry of New Zealand lor the New Zealanders, but, on the other hand, he must confess to entertaining grave suspicions with reference to the manner in which the work of immigration was being carried on. Proper ventilation to the terms on which immiprants were to be sent out could not have been given in Great Britain, or he was sure that large ; rumbers would have come from thence. He knew that Dr. Featherston, who had been sent home as Emigration Agent, entertained the opinion in Maori matters that it was unadvisable that the Native Minister should understand the Maori language, but that it was preferable that he should have an interpreter acting as a buffer between him and those with whom he had to deal, as a double door was thus opened through which j to escape in the event of any arrangements that j might be made proving inconvenient, and taking J this in connection with the large number of foreigners that were being sent out, he feared that a very clear understanding did not exist between the agent and the immigrants. They might be, and probably were, very excellent colonists, but they came here without any means of their own, and to him it looked very like a plan for feeding the labor market, which he looked upon as a most iniquitous as well aa foolish and impracticable proceeding, for a low rate of wages could never be maintained here so long as gold was to be had for the digging, while, in addition to that, there were countries close by which were in every way as attractive as New Zealand, On the question of Provincialism, there was but very little to be ' said. The look-out for the Provinces was black in the extreme, and he could not see how they ] were to continue to exist. It was therefore scarcely worth while to consider whether it was or was not desirable that they should be maintained. Mr. Richmond then proceeded to touch at some j length upon the p.irt he had taken in Native affairs, and after tracing the course of events for some years, went on to say that at the time he took office with Mr. Stafford the country was in a flame, and after much consideration they came to the conclusion that with the native tribes like a wild beast before them, they were powerless to attack, they dared not retreat, and all that they could do was to hold their own ground. This they djd, and it was nothing more than they were compelled to do, while they tried all in their power to soothe such of the natives as had been deprived of their land, and they so far succeeded that on meeting the House in 1867, they, were enabled to state that there had been nearly a whole year of peace, although he did not believe that it would prove lasting, and he stated so at the time, bhortly afterwards war broke out again on the West Coast, but his efforts to secure peace did not relax in other parts of the country. He pushed on road making in the native districts, bo far as the limited funds at his disposal allowed, he revived the schools, restored the reserves of which the King natives had been wrongfully deprived, and did all in his power to make peaceful

advances. Ptill the natives desired war, and as he believed that when war was forced on, the best course for lovers of peace to pursue was to enter upon it in a determined spirit, the Government of whicb be was a member did so, and to good purpose, thanks to Colonel Whitmore, and he believed that the present peaceful state of affairs was entirely owing to the action they then took. The essential difference between tbe Stafford and the Fox native policy wan comprised in tbe word " money.,' He (Mr. Richmond) bad £25,000 at his disposal for native purposes. Mr. Maclean was enabled to dip into £400,000 for road making in the North Island, £200,000 for the purchase of land, £50,000 for contingent defence, besides £30,000 for other purposes. All of these he could, like the celebrated Mrs. Gamp, put to his lip 3 whenever he felt "so dispoged." Still he did not think that the native troubles were over; the Waikato was in a roost precarious state, and another outbreak was quite possible. If it should occur, he would not be guilty of the gross injustice of charging Mr . M'Lean or any other Government with having caused it. He believed he was doing, and that all preceding Governments had done, what they considered best, and with a sincere desire to obtain peace although there were many great flaws in the administration of native affairs. Of the Armed Constabulary which was the great boast of the present Government, he had no great opinion as a really useful body of men; they were fine looking fellows, and would no doubt; if tried, prove brave and_ resolute men, but they were "not the description of force that was required, not the handy little monies that would be wanted to clamber over the high hills of the Urewera. He also protested against retaining native auxiliaries on. a large scale, as it was time we weaned our native allies from the war pay to which they were accustomed, and hardened our own men for the work. He would now say a few words on what he considered ought to be done. He had never concealed his convictions that the magnitude of the schemes proposed by Mr. Yogel was far beyond the means of the colony, but he was not fond of kicking against the pricks. Public opinion had not yet turned in a healthy direction ; doubt and anxiety hung over every one who gave a thought to such matters, but there was not yet the power of UDion to prevent the spread of the mischief. This was to be attributed to the local selfishuess that was the bane of this colony, and which was not to be cured in a day. What we had to deal with now was a State that was menacing us with ruin, men of independent means were menaced wiih an utter collapse of the value of their properties, and to this it would come, unless something was done, and done soon, to stop the flow of blood that was now going on from every open vein of the colony. It was the duty then of the representatives of the people to watch for the first sign of a reaction and of a better state of feeling, and when they saw this to at once strike in and take advantage of it, for he maintained that it was our duty, our wisdom, to save everything we could from the wreck, and the most effectual way to do this was to protect the Government against that log-rolliDg pressure which was at the root of the whole evil. For his part he would willingly support the Government in any action they might take to prevent the funds borrowed from being made the subject of an unseemly scramble, and to set at defiance the local cliques that were tearing them in pieces. He would always have supported them in this, but what did they propose in the way of protection ? They were asked to provide for a non-political Board as a necessary adjunct to the Public Works scheme, and they actually proposed to create a Boaid of some ten or a dozen members who were to receive handsome salaries while they retained their seats in the House. That was not the sort of protection he wanted to see. Why, it was neither more aor less than putting corruption on our Statute Book, but the truth was that the Government did not dare to offend the host of place hunters by whom they were surrounded. He and those who thought with him wanted to —.....- - r ..—> ri -rmnnrir— mrMinima-mnr'T-Tii -■■iimrirmrn r imfrniTmrnrmmirinw

have a Board composed ot independent men o known ability and resolution who should have the control of the works, and be removable only by a vote of the Legislature. This was what they demanded, but when they asksd for bread they were given a stone. No legislation would be of use unless the legislature were honest and in earnest, and the first step in thiß direction must be to hunt out all place hunters. The position of the Legislative Council too should be made one of greater dignity and honor, and it should no longer consist of nominees of this or that Government who felt Jin a certain degree bound to support those who had placed them there. These were some of the reforms that were necessary, and which the electors shonld insist upon in their representatives. There was another point respecting the economy of our means to which he would allude. He did not like to see one sweeping contract for public works entered into with persons at a distance, but would far rather see smaller ones that would be calculated to call forth competition. The railway system in these days was as common a business as the u-akiog For remainder of news see fourth page.

of turnpike roads, and there was no need for us to throw ourselves into tbe hands of contractors or to suffer ourselves to be engineer ridden. Members should be sent to the House who were determined to balance the current revenue, and expenditure. That was a thing that must be done, partly by taxation, partly by reduction of expenditure, which might be partially effected by depriving ourselves of luxuries, among which he might name huge postal contracts, with monster steamers subsidised to perform our coastal service, to the detriment of our local boats, and here he would remark upon the monstrous anomaly of those who had placed the word " Protection " on their banners, paying foreign boats to come here and run our own coasters off the trade. With reference to native affairs, he would advocate peace at any price short of failing in our duty to our followcolonista, peace to-day at any price Bhort of war to-morrow. Among the Maoris he had many f-iends who were dear to him, and whom he did not wish to see driven into rebellion, and it was because he loved his own countrymen, and owned so many friends among the natives that he so desired to see peace established. He advocated retrenchment in the gigantic donations now given, and in the soothing syrup so liberally administered to the Maoris, but this must not be effected suddenly, but by degrees. Their lands should be paid for in annuities, and not in large sums that would be immediately squandered, leaving us with a large number of natives whom we should eventually have to support. On the question of Education, he was glad to see that there was no difference of opinion between himself and the other candidate who had published his address, and that there was to be no bidding for the Catholic or any other vote. He was pleased to find that the new Bill was based substantially upon the Nelson system, and on the whole he thought it would prove satisfactory, although it failed in one great feature, namely, that of ways and means. It would never be complete until the funds required for educational purposes were made the first charge on the Estimates. Mr. Richmond concluded an address of an hour and fifty minutes by saying :~" If you elect me I can promise you that you will find me no selfBeeker, and that, so far as my ability goes, you shall never have reason to blush for your choice." He then sat down amid loud and continued cheering. Mr. Babnes made a somewhat incoherent speech in which we understood him to pass in brief review the action of the Nelson representatives, and concluded by expressing a hope that the fight would be confined to Mr. Richmond and Mr. Luckie. Mr. Mackay had heard it stated that Mr. Richmond and his relatives had received large sums of public money, and would like to learn the exact facts of the case. Mr. Richmond said that, as was well known; one of his brothers was a Judge; another had been Commissioner of Crown Lands at Taranaki, which he threw up on being elected Superintendent of the Province; he himself had been Commissioner of Crown Lands at Nelson at a salary of £400 a year, following Mr. Domett who received £500; a brother of one of his brothers-in-law had also at one time held a small appointment in the Native department. Mr. Rowell : Are you in favor of supporting or abolishing Provincial Governments ? Mr. Richmond : I don't think it a question of much importance, as I cannot see how they are to be kept afloat, and believe that they must be starved out. Mr. Rowell : What is your opinion of the Stamp Duties ? Mr. Richmond : I totally object to those that deal with receipts for amah* sums. I was one of those who originally introduced the Act as being a tax that would touch another class besides those reached by the Customs duties. I do not so much object to it on cheques, as those who kpep a bank account can generally afford to pay the tax without feeling it, but I think the placing it on small receipts was a step in the wrong direction. Mr. Rowell : Do you support the tax on the poor man's loaf, for in that light I look upon the tax on cereals ? Mr. Richmond : Most certainly not. Mr. Rowell : What do you think of the Scandinavian immigration ? Mr. Richmond : I don't think that immigration and public works are proper charges on the ordinary revenue of the colony. With reference to your former question as to my opinion on Provincial Governments, I have no wish to appear to shirk giving an answer, and will therefore say that my opinion has always been that there was nothing really objectionable in them They have been maintained because they were approved of by the country at large, and therefore I have not opposed them, but I have always looked forward with satisfaction to the day when they would all be merged in one colonial Government. Mr. Rowell : What do you think of Mr. Vogel's Yankee boats ? Mr. Richmond : I have always objected to them. Mr. Rowell : Do you not think an Income Tax would be better than a bread and wages tax ? Mr. Richmond : I am not at all hostile to an Income tax upon principle, but I don't think it would be practicable, while it would be a very wasteful method of raising money. I believe it „ .will before long come to a tax upon property, and probably upon wool. I can plainly see that no difference exists between you and me as to where the burden of taxation should fall. The revenue, I consider, is now raised most unfairly, as it ' presses far too heavily upon the laboring classes. No more questions being asked, a vote of thanks to Mr. Richmond was, on the motion of Mr. Hunter. Brown, carried by acclamation. Law in Califobnia. — California emigrants have a summary way of disposing of murderers. A party of 500 were encamped near Council Bluffs recently, when one of their number murdered a young herder. When the news of the deed reached the camp search was made for the murderer. It was found that he had been arrested, and taken before a magistrate. An emigrant tersely describes what followed : — " We, the 500 emigrants, quietly marched to the justice's court, and demanded the prisoner. We, the 500 emigrants, took him, tried him, condemned him, and hung him on the same tree he had murdered his victim under. * Farewell, vain world,' were his last words, as the mule walked away and left him there. We, the 500, followed the mule. — New York Tribune. ■ ■ ■ W,

What it is to be a Widow. — " I think that it must be a jolly thing to be a young widow ! " I heavd this remark the other day in a group of laughing girls. I think I remember saying such a thing myself in my girlish times. Do you know, girls, what it is to be a widow ? It is to be ten times more open to comment and criticism than any demoiselle could possibly be. It is to have men gaze as you pass, first at your black dress, and then at your widow'B cap, until your sensitive nerves quiver under the inflictioD. It is to have one illnatured person say, " I wonder how long she will wait before she marries again ?" and another " until she pets a good chance, I suppose." It is now and then to meet the glance of real sympathy, generally from the poorest and humblest women you meet, and feel your eyes fill at the token, so rare that it is, alas ! unlooked'' for. It is to have your dear, fashionable friend console you after the following fashion : " Ob, well ! it's a dreadful loss. We knew you'd feel it, dear." And in the next breath, " You will be sure to marry again, and your widow's cap is very becoming to you." But it is more than this to be a widow. It is to miss the strong arm you have leaned upon, the true faith that you knew could never fail you, though all the world might forsake you. It is to miss the dear voice that uttered your name with a tenderness that none other could give it. It is to hear no more those well-known footsteps that you flew so lovingly to meet. To see no more the face which to your adoring eyes seemed aa the face of the angels of God. To feel no more the twining arms that folded you lovingly ; the dear eyes ihat, looking into your own, said plainly, whatever it said to others, yours was the fairest face earth held for him. It is to fight with a mighty sorrow as a man fights with the waves that overwhelm him, and to hold it at arm's length for a while, only to haye — in the hours of loneliness and weakness — the torrents roll over you, while — poor storm-driven dove — you see no haven." — N. Y. Home Journal.

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Bibliographic details

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume VII, Issue 98, 24 April 1872, Page 2

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4,984

MEETING OF ELECTORS. Nelson Evening Mail, Volume VII, Issue 98, 24 April 1872, Page 2

MEETING OF ELECTORS. Nelson Evening Mail, Volume VII, Issue 98, 24 April 1872, Page 2

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