The Birth and Growth of the N.Z. Federation of Labor.

Maoriland Worker, Volume 3, Issue 60, 3 May 1912, Page 3

The Birth and Growth of the N.Z. Federation of Labor.

By P. H. HICKEY.

To appreciate the Jiifuulties that beset tho establishment and growth of that organisation now so widely known aa tho Now Zealand Federation of Labor, a brief review of tho Labor movement in New Zenland during tho last two decades is necessary. Tho years immediately preceding the maritime striko were marked by great union activity. Union* were springing into existence on every hand, whilst the existing organisations were reaching out towards each other for closer afFiliation. In the midst of this activity came that disastrous upheaval known as tho maritime strike. An impartial observer must admit it to. have been a poorly advised and badly conducted revolt. Tho battalion., of Labor were led out and shattered so cruelly and hopelessly that for many years organisation in Now Zealand was practically v on-existent. Drunk with the success achieved in its first big struggle with organised Labor, the employing class'of New Zealand determined that it would crush out for ever any .park of unionism which might exist. With that object in view the blacklist and lockout were employed; active unionists wero pursued with relent-less fury throughout Australasia, compelled to sacritice, in many ea-ses, their homes, and with no security for them and their.. So bitter was the persecution of the master-class that every semblance of organisation was effectively crushed, those active unionists who remained in tlie country having to change their names in order to obtain some security of employment, or humble, themselves in tlie dust at the employers' feet, and promise that under no consideration whatever would they instigate or take part in Labor organisation. Those men who lost their all in the strike and mil-sequent, blacklist were k-pfc under observation, and anywhere a movement was on foot to form a union ;-.etimisatioii was certain to follow. With Lilwr'-i force.* so entirely broken, and with reprisals so cruel nnd far-reaching, individual bartering with tlie workmen w.is the order of the iiyWith practically a free band, the capitalist class of New Zealand showed itself as being *w* a 3 rapacious and unscrupulous as its class elsewhere. Though defeated on tlie industrial field, Labor sought to' revenge itself upon its enemies by rallying to the Liberal-Op-position standard at the approaching elections, with the result, that tlie Conservative Government iias overwhelmingly defeated. Among the Liberal members returned were a large number of Padicals who bad been actively associated with Labor organisations. At the bend of tbe party was an advanced Radical, who earnestly and sincerely desired to help the working-class — John Ballance, member for Waiiganui. This man, along with his colleagues, witnessing the apparent hopvless defeat of the workers industrially-—I say apparent, because organised Labor h, in reality, never defeated—decided that it was possible by legislative enactment to not only materially better tho conditions of the workers, but also to put an end to strikes and lockouts. Then followed a long period of legislative experiments, so closely associated with tbo names of Ballanco, Seddon, Reeves, and others —legislation which made Now Zealand for many years the happy huntingground of sociologists and students of reform. Of all this legislation, tho Conciliation and Arbitration Act was regarded as the most wonderful. This Act, it was confidently prophesied by many, would result in abolishing strikes for all time; by others, it was classed as a scliemo through which the poor capitalist would bo driven to transport himself and his capital to some other country. One and all were unanimous that tlie benefits to tho workers would be enormous. Under the provisions of this Act seven workers were enabled to form a union, register, and then by somo mysterious process be protected from victimisation by law—a delusion which was ultimately shattered by an Arbitration Court Judge. It is worth noting, too, that whilst tbe employing class resorted, and aro resorting, to discrimination against active unionists, very few cases wero ever considered proved in open Court, and none at all during recent years. However, unions came into existence, slowly at first, and then more rapidly. Tbo early history of tho Court was characterised by tho humane administrations of tbo presiding Judge. It is interesting, too, to note that the first case to be beard by the Court was that brought by the Dehniston Coal Miners' Union—a Union which, later, was about the first, if not the first, to cancel its registration and help in the formation of tbo New Zealand Federation of Labor.

Antecedent History.—The Part of Arbitration.

As unions camo into existence, it nover appeared to occur to thoso organisations that thoro waa any other possiblo course for them to follow than to register under the C. and A. Act and cito a can© for the Court. Tho idea of approaching the employers depending upon tho union, rather than upon tho Court, apparently did not oocnir to the membership. Tho unions, no longer being tho first lino of defenoo, boing indeed only necessary in order to obtain legal standing, ceased to bo regarded as fighting machines. Tho workers on tho whole paid hut scanty attention to union affairs or to tho union, but pinned their faith in an award —all! that was tho thing. The corollary to this blind allegiance to Liberal legislation was a firm ■beliein the Liberal Party itself as the political expression of tho working-class. Tho catch-cries of artful politicians wore eagerly listened to and believed by tho New Zoaland worker; he left to others tho managing of his affairs. Tho spirit of industrial and political solidarity began to sink loner and ever lower. The unions which sprang into existence under tho aegis of the Court were lacking in that spirit which characterised the old-time organisations. Officers were generally chosen, not because of their lighting qualifications, but because they wero good "pleaders" before the Court. Any recklessness on the part of the individual was stilled if "against the Act" or "not provided for in the award." So Labor slept, the dues-paving minivers only troubling about tin** likelihood of the "old man" (Judge-) being in good humor, with liver in trim, and in tho fulness of his heart granting a good award, the successful "pleader," with all the artificial smirks and formalities of a lawyer highly developed, being thereupon congratulated by his fellow "pleaders" upon having caught the old man in a good humor. Signs wero not wanting, however, that the long years of industrial peace were to be broken. Socialism was being talked and preached. Advocates of Industrial Unionism were straggling into New Zealand, speaking of working-class solidarity and against the arbitration system. Besides, the inevitable reaction against tho arbitration system began to set in. Thero were adverso awards, captious criticism by presiding Judges, refusals to grant awards, all of which were opening the eyes of the workers. But tho most important factor of all was tho rapidly-growing recognition of tho class struggle. In short, the workers wero becoming class-conscious, recognising their class interests. The fact that whilst wages may havo risen, tho rise was as nothing compared to the corresponding increase in tho cost of commodities, the workers being worse off, relatively, than at tho beginning of tlie arbitration system, mado tho workers think. In tho midst of this simmering discontent camo the slaughtermen's strike, 1907. Tho strike was short; tho men won ; many were fined £5 each—a tin* which, by tho way, tho Labor Department is trying to collect to this day. In l'Vbmarv, 1908. camo the Blackball strike, the strike of the miners against tho dismissal of seven members of the Union, one of whom, it may bo interestirK*- to note, is now the President of tiio N.Z.F.L. (P. C. Webb); another tlie writer. From this strike, it can sefety be asserted, the N.Z.F.L. was born. This strike is interesting in so far as it disclosed the inability of tho Arbitration Act to end a strike. It could fine a union or an individual for having struck, but tho strike was not legally a continuous offence, though tho strikers might remain out on strike—-a decision which may be sound in law, but is certainly lacking in common sense from an arbitration point of view. The Blackball strike has probably clone more than anything before or since to discredit the Arbitration Act in the eyes of iho workers. The union practically liad to strike in order to preserve itself. The dismissed men were active unionists, and it was generally conceded that because of their activity they wore dismissed. For this strike tbe* Arbitration Court fined the Union LIS, being 75 per cent, of tho maximum penalty. The Union refused to pay tho fine, with tho result that the homos of unionists wero invaded by order 'of John A. Millar, late maritime strike loader, and then Minister of Labor, furniture sowed and sold by auction in satisfaction of the fine. Unablo to raise the required amount by these means (the public refusing to bid, and tho £80 worth of goods and chattels being bought in by tho Union's agent for 12s. Od.), tlie Labor Department, in desperation, tho strike being over, obtained an order against men's wages and vindicated itself in its own eyes, but blasted it in those of the workers. (To bo continued.)