The Case Against Compulsory Military Training.

Maoriland Worker, Volume 3, Issue 51, 1 March 1912, Page 5

The Case Against Compulsory Military Training.

By C. REGINALD FORD.

VIII- BRIEF RECAPITULATION OF FORECOINC EXAMINATION OF MILITARIST CLAIMS. Wo have now very briefly oxaminod some of the. claims of the militarists as to the advantages which they assort w ill accrue to the country from compulsory military service. Wo have shown that there is no evidence to Kupport the contention that the countries having compulsory military service have ft finer national physique than the- countries still free from it. W'u hjivc shown that all th© experience of .European countries is totally opposed to the assertion that there is a causal connection between military service and an increased moral and intellectual virility, and that, instead, the whole weight of evidence compels us to an opposite conclusion. Wo have pointed out, too, that tlicro is no antecedent probability that military service would strengthen the moral fibre of the nation, and that in so far as it inculcates unquestioning and unreasoning obedience to external authority it weakens moral fibre and is a source of danger to the country. IX.— SOME DANCERS OF COMPULSORY MILITARY TRAINING. We have now to point out a few evils --some existent and some latent as yet—which attach to our compulsory military training scheme, l.n all this discussion we must steadily keep in mind the fact that militarism is as yet only in its initial stages in New Zealand. We must remember, too, that owing lo the opposition which has occurred throughout tho country, and to other causes, even the present moderate scheme is not being carried out in its entirety. In matters other than length of service the military authorities doubtless feel it better at present, as Karl Dudley said, to bo "tactful and politic." Remembering this, ivc shall not be inclined to dismiss lightly warnings of danger which, while not apparent to us yet, can be shown to be inherent in tho system and inseparable from it. New Zealand can hardly hope to escape the universal experience in this matter of other countries. (a) The Training of Children in Military Ideals a retrograde and shameful step. The greatest existent evil of the compulsory military training scheme is the inclusion in it of children, even of the early ago of twelve. To fully realise tho folly and iniquity of this step it is necessary to remember that it has been taken at a moment when man's irresistible drift away from conflict and towards co-operation is becoming moro and more apparent —at a time when international law and arbitration aro making rapid strides-—at a time when the movement towards peace is, all over the world, wider, stronger, and better organised than ever before. At tho time of writing an American magazine of the front rank—"The World's Work"—comes to hand. It is the Christmas issue, and has been planned as an international peace number. Besides articles by the President of the United States and other prominent pacifists, it contains a symposium on "Prospects for Permanent Peace" by a number of world-famous men. Tho fact of tho publication of such an issue is in itself a sign of tho times. It is safe to say that only a few years ago no editor or proprietor of a poptila.r magazino would havo entertained the idea of such a venture. In an introductory note the editor, after noticing the apparent incongruity of the issue in view of the existing war between Italy and Turkey, the Chineso Revolution, and the talk of war in i'hirope, goes on to say: "But he is blind who fails to see, spite of all contrary appearances, that the international duel is bound to go as certainly as the duel of individuals has gone This confidenco rests on no mere general faith that the onward sweep of reason must efface such a monstrous folly as war, but on definite evidence that the abandonment of battle is already contemplated by a swiftly-growing public opinion. The cost of war has grown almost prohibitive; its destructiveness has become so horrible that it is bound to destroy itself; the chief reason for ,t has been done away, for the financial interdependence of modern nations makes it impossible for a victor te get away with spoils. "Consider tlie views set forth in the pages that follow. It is a simple fact that such an exhibition of reason and conscience on the subject, from sources so high, or indeed from any source whatsoever, would have bean unthinkable a generation or even a decade ago. . Mr. Straus says truly that more progress in providing I'ot the maintenance of peace among nations has been made during tho past twelve years than in all the rest of the ages iroin the dawn of history. That is true, and it is a truth the magnitude of which, the colossal importance of which, ought to .stajjger th© mind and fire the imagination." President Taft asks: "Do you know that one of tho most notable phenomena of the day is the swiftness with which belief in permanent international peace is growing? " Yes," he says, "this sentiment, comparatively iww in tire world, has made enormous strides within the past few years. Wherever I go I find the most eager interest in anything I say on tho subject of w r ar and peace. Crowds grow silent as 1 approach that theme; men put a hand behind the car and stand on tiptoe, leaning forward so as not to miss a word. There is astir a profound revolution in tho popular thought on tho subject of war, a. moral awakening to tho hideous

wickedness of armed combat between man and man, and an economic perception of the wastefulneK3 and lolly not only of war, but of tho great armaments which tho present jealousy of e> Powers makes it necessary to maintain." There is no space hero or abundant proof might be given of the truth of die above statements as to tho "moral awakening to tho hideous wickedness" 11 f war which has taken place, not only n tho United States, but all over the world. This awakening has, too, occurred at a most propitious moment, when the world has boon aroused to the realisation of tho economic interdependence of nations —to a realisation of tho fact that war between civilised nations cannot in those days but result in enormous loss, perhaps financial ruin, to both combatants, the victor no less than the vanquished, and that no possible counterbalancing advantage can be gained. It i 3 at such a moment—when thoughtful men all over the world aro looking with confidence to the dawn of international justice and international peace, when elforts are being made in the United States, France, Great Britain, and elsewhoro to turn the thoughts of tho rising generation towards tho light—it is at such a moment that our Government has chosen to take the shameful and retrograde step of making it compulsory for our children to be inoculated with the virus of a decadent militarism. As a persistent attempt is being made to blind the public in this matter, it being assorted that tlte children have no military training, but only physical training, it is necessary to emphasise this point. In tho first place the Defence Act itself is most clear. Military training is compulsory in tho Junior Cadets "from twelve years to fourteen years of ago or to the data of leaving school, whichever is the later," and in the Senior Cadets "from fourteen years of ago or tho date of leaving school, as the case may be, to eighteen years of age, or in the ease of those who on attaining the ago of eighteen are attending a secondary school, then to the date of their leaving school." In referring to tho show grounds incident, the "Press," in a leading article, on November 10 last, commenting on the literature distributed there, said: ''Because it is provided that children in our schools shall have physical training—not military drill with a rifle, as the writer of one of those precious productions would have us believe " The "precious production" referred to by the "Press" contained these words: "Our children are not to be unspoiled. At the early ago of twelve they are given a sham rifle, marched out to military exercises . ~" which is, of course, the literal truth. In tho "Press" it-self of October 1G there appeared a paragraph stating that orders had been received "from junior cadet headquarters" that "physical drill with rifles is to be discontinued." Whether this order was ever given we do not know, but it certainly has not been carried out —tho Junior Cadets still use a miniature or sham rifle, still wear a quasi-military uniform, and still have military exercises. And what is even more to the point, the commandant of the Junior Cadets has just been sent Home for twelve months' instruction with tho Imperial Army. In view of these facts, we are justified in believing that the physical drill is only incidental to the main object, which is the inculcation of the military ideal upon our children. We shall believe that there is a genuine desire and intention to give only physical culture to the children of the primary schools when the uniforms and tho rifles are discarded for good, when tho whole time now devoted to military exercises, plus physical drill, is devoted to physical culture only, when the sections of the Defence Act imposing penalties on boys or teachers who may refuse to act aB "non-commissioned" officers" or as "officers of the rank of lieutenant or above that rank" in the Junior Cadets are repealed, and when the military officer with the title "Commandant of the Junior Cadets " is detailed for other duties. Until that is done, we shall refuse to believe in tho sincerity of those who declare that tho children are only receiving physical training, and shall believe that the scheme has the deliberate intention of linking-up the children with tho military organisation. Physical training can and should bo given to children without amy _of these ridiculous and pernicious adjuncts.* That the training of the Senior Cadets is military will not be denied. What is claimed for this training is perhaps best shown by the following extract from General Godley's Beport (p. 31): "Tho Senior Cadets are the future manhood of the nation, and it is to tho lessons inculcated during these receptive ages, between fourteen and eighteen, that we look for tho formation of a character that will make them worthy citizens and good • soldiers. . . The training of tho Senior Cadets is looked on as the most important part of the defence scheme. It k

maintained that the mental, moral, and physical education of the Senior Cadets under a military organisation will improve the manhood of tho nation." Tho last sentence is, as will be at once apparent, simply nonsense-. Such a claim cannot bo sustained for a moment, but we have not the slightest doubt that to the militarist tho training of tho Senior Cadets is looked upon as tho most important part of the scheme. To capture the boys at the most receptive period of their life, and instil into them false ideals of national glory and groundless tales of imminent national peril; to inculcate upon "tho future manhood of the nation" tho timidity which has no hope in the gathering strength of reason, justice, and self-control in international relations; to foment in their young minds suspicion and fear of foreign nations instead of mutual trust; to impart to them that wretched military pessimism which everywhere assumes that foreign nations are actuated by tho basest motives of envy and hatred—no doubt this appeals to the miilitarist as a glorious consummation. The capture of the schools has always been regarded by them as the chief aim—they know that the rest will follow. These panic exports have failed in England, but here on virgin ground they have won their way. (b) The Compulsorily Trained Citizen Soldiers may be sent out of tha Country on Foreign Service. It has been pointed out that the question of imperial defence weighed largely in the minds of the promoters of the Act, and that provision was made for the despatch of an "expeditionary force" for service oversea, a reference being made to the possible despatch of Now Zealand troops to India or to Asiatic ports being held by tho British Army. But, the supporters of the measure say, none of the com-pulsorily-enrolled troops can bo sent abroad unless they volunteer. Let us see how this volunteering is likely to work out in actual practice. In his speech at the Mansion House on August 1, 1005, Lord Roberts said that it might be objected that compulsory military training for home defence would not provido "for the despatch abroad of tho large force that might be necessary. To this I would reply that it is our duty now te make such arrangements that when the emergency occurs there may be a sufficient number of properly-trained and organised men in this country to meet the military wants. Whether these men go to the seat of war or not must depend on tho will of the nation at the time."t It is significant of the militarist spirit that it can cause an honest, sincere soldier to sec nothing dishonest and contemptible in urging a people to undertake compulsory military training upon the distinct understanding that the citizen soldiers shall never bo re-

quired to serve abroad, while all th* time there is tho intention that thej shall be sent abroad if it is thought necessary by tbe government whose aggressive imperialism or bungling diplomacy has brought tho war about. General Sir lan Hamilton writes? "Hero and thero a pistol shot may break the smoothness of the mobilisation period. After that, silence 1" That is, some courageous man here and then might protest, but & "pistol shot" gives him his quietus, and tho rest, under the inexorable pressure of military law, go like lambs to the slaughter on a foreign field. Discipline haa taught them to obey.