Political Action and the Industrial Struggle.

Maoriland Worker, Volume 3, Issue 50, 23 February 1912, Page 12

Political Action and the Industrial Struggle.

The following telling leti.r appeared in a recent issue of the •■.New Age," :— - THE BRITISH SOCIALIST PARTY. Sir,---Mr. Leonard Hall's article in last week's issue oi Ihe "Clarion" cannot iail to stimulate living interest in the real mission of the British Socialist Party. Heading between the linos, il is evident that whilst he loyally stands by the programme as a whole sketched out by his colleagues, his heart is set upon an indu.-i rial as distinct from a political resurgence.. In effect he says: "Political action;- Certainly; but the main thing is the industrial struggle.'' I fancy be is one of many thousands who are of like mind. Now there is a small army of disillusionised Socialists who aro anxiously inquiring whether the B.S.P. is going to travel the discredited path of Parliamentarism, or whether the formation of a new Socialist Party really means a new departure and a realisation of the plain fact that to achieve Socialism the strtigo,le must, be in the factory, mine and workshop, and not in Parliament. It is true that the founders of the new party provide in their prospectus both for industrial and political action; but old campaigners are not caught by paper constitutions. It is equally true that industrial action does not necessarily exclude political action — indeed, rightly understood, political action must be profoundly affected by a conscious industrial struggle: must become a reflex of the changing industrial and economic situation. But the lesson we have learned from a decade of political Laborism is that the industrial and economic situation remains profoundly unaffected by political action. Tito "conquest of political power" is a Pyrrhic victory. On closer examination we have discovered that political "power" is not power, is not even the semblance of power, is a mere will-o'-the-wisp that fatally lures Labor from its true function of achieving economic power. What, therefore, many of us want to know is whether the B.S.P. will frankly put political action out of action by concentrating upon the industrial struggle. For whilst, as may be freely admitted, the one does not in logic exclude the other, we want to know quite definitely whether the B.S.P. is to become primarily an industrial force letting the political sequelae be what they may. It is a question not of form, but of substance. Whilst the constitution of the B.S.P. ma t v logically provide for both industrial and political action, where aro the bias and emphasis to be placed? Will Mr. Hall or ono of his colleagues kindly enlighten us? It is to mc an astonishing fact that the fall of real wages during recent prosperity creates so little comment. During the past 15 years wages have fallen 7 per cent., whilst rent and interest have advanced by over 20 per cent. Yet this is tho period during which political laborism has flowered and in some measure assorted itself^

Wages, the Only Issue.

Surely the inference is olneiu-e I-, it not painfully evident that the nervous energy that ha-; been wasted on politics ought to have liein resolutely .spent on aggressive industrial lighting!' Laborisin vaunted itself when il secured the Trades Disputes Act. But V wages have fallen. Tho Lloyd George I Budget moated immense' eiithusiI asm, and the Labor Party proudly told ns that it was the result of their influence. But wages have fallen. U each Labor parly conference, Ihe parliamentarians announce various parliamentary victories. But wages have fallen. Last month, I hey fell lis, saw the lowest figures of unemployment ever reached. But, wages have fallen. And now the Labor Party musters in force to .support the insurance Bill. It is another cut at wages. The bankruptcy of political lnhorism is writ large. H is a tragedy. There is a marked disposition to lay the blame upon the personnel of Urn Labor Parly. Nothing could be more unfair. Mr. Mao Donald, Mr. Keir llardie, and the others were sent to do political work. They have done it honestly according to their lights. No doubt they could have done better with a stiffening of more intelligent Socialism, (jut the more intelligent Socialists were not so foolish as to get enmeshed in such futile proceedings. The root of the trouble lies deeper. Real power is to be found where wealth is produced, and not where wealth is squandered. Wealth is produced by the worker at the bench, in the factory, ill the mine, and (since distribution is an integral part of production) on the railway, in the ship, and in the carrier's van. The power is in the boiler, and not in the gauge. Parliament is only the gauge and index; it has no ether use. Is the B.S.P. prepared to recognise these facts and to act upon tlieniP If the answer comes as an emphatic affirmative, then its future is not merely assured, but the prospect would kindle the enthusiasm of even such a pessimist as myself. If, however, the B.S.P. prefers to return to politics, like a. dog to its vomit, it will in a few years follow the old trail wilh tho same disastrous results. The cardinal fact is that tho only Socialist issue now, and for years to come, must be wages. All else is leather and prunella. If a discharged veteran may offer a word of advice to the younger generation that will probably rally to the 8.5.P., it would be this: Adapt your organisation and methods to the. industrial struggle. The new trade unionism will solely need outside, but related, co-operation. You must storm and struggle for such an increase of wages as will ultimately break <lown and abolish the wage-system. That way—and only that way —lies Socialism. Mr. Leonard Hall has done his party a croat service by stating the case. What will the B.S.P. decide?— S. G. HOBSON.