Political Action.

Maoriland Worker, Volume 3, Issue 44, 12 January 1912, Page 4

Political Action.

By BALLOT BOX.

As political action has been greatly, discussed in Labor organisations and Socialist circles of late, perhaps a.general article upon tho question in "The Worker" would bo of interest to ite. waders. The writer does not profess industrial or any other form of infallibility, and can, if necessary, run uff* scratch with any fair-minded critic who may dissent or disagree. if by political action you mean simply representation of working men, or tv/en of workers' organisations, in our national assemblies, in our legislative councils, isolated Labor individuals upon our local bodies, just as object lessons to the weak-minded and the young; persons to whom society points and says, "Ho was once a workingcimii," then I am not writing about fctui form of political action, nor have I any hope of a Labor Party either in iocal or national politics if tho present fabric, of society is to stand in its social and commercial form.

Allison tells us in his "History of Europe," that man can do without food for a few days; without sleep for pwhaps a few days longer, but' he oould not do ■ for one hour without government. This may be true; all history points to tho fact that it is in the main true. Men since the most primeval age have always governedthemselves, and we have the whole story of the past to guide us now as to the best method to adopt future. Government represents the will of. the. people expressed through its legislators. Any government that does not falls. Government has often, meant otherwise. Government^—in England,, nny—hfsidro Caesar's day meant government by Druidic scholars and tribal leaders; in Roman times it meant government by a conquering nation -, later on it also" meant government by the sword and the strife of warring kingdoms : in Norman days it meant government by tyrant kings and feudal lords, The will of tyrant kings prevailed largely also in Tudor days. When capitalism took its rise in England upon the crumbling of feudalism, rich merchants and powerful traders arose, and, running through the wholo story, you will always find that the dominant Ch33, tho class that had the knowledge and tho economic power, has always been the class that has held the helm in the political crafts of nations. Little by little the voico of the nation spoke; little by little it had to be recognised that as ruling affected the people, tho people had some rights to have more and .more power in the ruling assombly, but the idea of ruling directly by the representatives of the people is'quite a modern idea, and how to give national expression to the will of the world's workers is a problem that has met us really for the first time in the twentieth century. It- must be granted that tho bedrock jud foundation stone from which must tpring all progress and all advance is Industrial Organisation; unity and common understanding in every industry; linking together of industries; and hence one grand industrial fabric; one gigantic structure; one massive whole against which monopoly in the commercial world will not prevail; against which captains and admirals and armies in the warlike domain will not conquer. Such is the trend of Industrialism to-day, but it will not conic without thought, without reflection, without education and enlightenment of the masses. And every opportunity and every means possible must ho u*ed to bring this unionism into practical effect in New Zealand. With tho freest institutions in the world, the Hpirit of democracy everywhere, we hj'/o a chance given us to which history roaily shows no parallel and the posssiiilitics of tho future are tremendous! Side by side with this industrial movement it is well to show ourselves a real livo political force in every fcjgiiiative assembly in the land.

A Constitutional Revolution is Possible.

v The school committee! This is a body to which is delegated'much discretionary and legal power. What's the matter with the workers getting on it and' moving the political 'body iit the interests of the workers and the workers' children? Nothing. It has votes, too, this body, and ele<? t9 members to education boards. Get into one be -y, and you find the way into another to control your own interests, conserve your own finances, rule in the interests of. the workers.

The town board, the roruLboard,,the borough council, the city council, what is to stop the industrial organisations from giving their franchise to their own members to obtain seats : on these bodies? Nothing. The workers should be on them. All these bodies get Acts of Parliament handed to them, often with discretionary power, always with administrative .powerj and, what but good could accrue from having Labor's direct representatives ..administering these laws? k • ''■'■■'

And, last of all, what is the matter with Labor's candidates aspiring to Parliament and taking their seats among the lawmakers of nations? Noth-

Side by sido with the industrial struggle'should go on the political struggle which I have briefly outlined., The two would run parallel. They would co-or-dinate. They would mutually strengthen themselves. ... ! .

(£ov,ornment is an art. Labor representatives w-ould, learn on minor bodies locaiiy,and w,quld there qualify'themselves for that' wider field; of politics we call, parliaments and,, senates ; and congresses. '..'. , ■ ■ "Why hesitate? Ye are full-bearded men, ~ . With courage,-if ye dare but show, it." I trust to see' in a short time the idea of general action politically becoming universal in every body of workers, in every village, in every town, and in every city in New Zealand. . Workers of New Zealand! Your industrial and political" unity is stronger''than all the trusts and combines, stronger than all tho monopolies, mightier than all the parties and cabinets. Take your political courage in both hands, and set to work to build up in this free country a political structure that shall overshadow the form of the party system of our day and generation, purge the ruling body of the political nonentities and tricksters that crowd into our law-making institutions. One of the signs of our times is that we are not getting or putting the best men forth into political prominence. Go into any borough council, city council, or either House or the Legislature, and you will be struck with the number of intellectual blanks that fill the places and the seats.

Found a new polity! a new system. The times need it. The great interdependence of nations requires it; the internationalisation of capital calls for it. No other political party is going to work out your political salvation. The Liberals did not do it. The Conservatives will not do it. Do it yourselves, a3 your class has done its own work in tho past in every land. Tho men who are emancipating the Russian peasants to-day are Russian peasants; those who are getting Hindu representation on the Council of India arc Hindus; those who throw off tho shackles of landlordism from tho Irish tenants were Irish tenants; and you who must give the day for tho workers of New Zealand are the workers of New Zealand. This is the case as briefly as I can indicate it for constitutional political action in a complete and thorough sense. Public opinion everywhere has recorded its votes at recent- elections, and in municipal elections and other minor elections to say that it can be done, and the least wo can say for the constitution i 3 that tho thing is reasonable, possible and probable.

There is an alternative course. While building up industrial organisation you can, if you like, look askance at all forms of political action; you can. allow the unsympathetic class to hold flic reins of political power and pas 3 enactments much to your distaste; you can fight the fight outright at the point of production; you can push along to the general strike; you can paralyse industrial operations. Well, you can label that fingerpost: "This way to the Revolution, to hardship, tribulation, turmoil, strife, chaos." In England this is just what is happening. Desperate diseases demand desperate remedies, of course; and, ly, there seems no other courso open to the hungry masses of industrial Britain. You can overawe parliaments and senates, but then will Ben Tillett from his dictatorship on Tower Hill be able to control the fierce elements let loose? I doubt it. Again, Britain is no criterion for New Zealand. Here we all hare votes —men and women; we have all the freedom of electioneering and the constitutional method is easy, and we can, I feel sure, achieve by political action all that can be done in tho Old Country by industrial revolution.