The March of the Industrial Army

Maoriland Worker, Volume 2, Issue 33, 20 October 1911, Page 5

The March of the Industrial Army

By John Dowgray.

FOome hither, lads, and harkeu For a tale there is to tell Df the wonderful days a-coming, . When all shall be better than well." in the latter half of the nineteenth iSntury, Marx found the world oonilaitted to individualism. No man con- " jbeived that" his interest lay in looking falter anybody but himself. - It was Regarded as entirely proper for one inSBividual to profit from the misfortune if another. The accepted method of improving the mental, moral and majfcerial welfare of the mass of indivi&uial3 was to set each individual "i-o ■fighting for himself, on the theory that $he status of the mass could not fail ,to be satisfactory if the conditions of each of its members was the object of governmental solicitude. In short, the Ifcbeory of social development took litifcle cognisance of society as a whole, except in so far as the penal laws were tooncemed. Everywhere it was taught that society should work together to jpunish its toes; nowhere was it taught #hat it should work together for itteelf. Much less had it ever been ■Suggested that the greatest permanent Jmlfare of the individual could be brought, about, not by aiming beneficent laws at the individual himself, ibut by directing them at the great frna&s of human beings of whom he was ibut one. It was the day of extreme individualism. "Let every man have ifche greatest oppoirtxinity to do for himself," was the cry. Each man for Sumself —the devil take the hindmost iWas the echo. There was no such thing Uβ social consciousness. An injiiry to One was not regarded as an injury done to all. It would be idle to fill in in detail 3fch>e gap between that day and the pieBent. .Every person of intelligence fcnows how we have acquired—gradually but nevertheless surely—new economic ideas. The whole mass of worktore has developed the capacity to feel certain kinds of injuries, even if inflicted upon its remotest part. That the Marxian theory has been a potent factor in bringing about the unity or plass-conscioiisness amongst all workera will not be denied by anyone. It lias had to combat both ignorance and gjreed. It has not yet found universal pooeptance, but it is steadily pushing Its way. Already we have some slight txxnoeption of what is meant by such p/forases as "All for one and one for MLj" "From each according to has ability: to each according to his needs'. , * c At no time in the world's history Eae the march of the industrial army Caused the capitalists so much anxiety fes .at the present time. In every country of the world the workers are gradually dropping the .craft unions and iKreaking down the barrier of trade jealousies. In Sweden we had an example of this unity in so far as industbsial disputes are concerned. The general strike in Sweden in the latter (jwurt of 1909 will still be fresh in the Xuinds of most workers. In this country, although the employers are organSeed in one association, the employees ftp© divided into two sections—namely, "The National Labor Organisation" ! and the ' 'Swedish Workers , Association." The famous strike was caused in the first instance owing to a lookfrat by the employers of certain trades .where a- number of email disputes existed, mostly in the cellulose and clothing trades. Some of the existing contracts needed renewing, and the m<en took advantage of this to demand better wage-conditions. When the masters insisted on the maintenance of the existing rates and conditions, strikes followed in many places. The public arbitrators tried to adjust matters, but no •agreement could be arrived at, and the strikes continued. The Swedish JSmployers , Association then declared a lock-out in the trades affected, and , fclh'Mtaten'ed, if circumstances rendered it advisable, to make the lock-out genterai in .all the undertakings represented in their association. This threat fo some extent was carried out, the iWootd-eawing and textile industries and those engaged in ironworks and iroaiinines were similarly treated. The tcfal number of men locked out was &bout 80,000. In the meantime the labor leaders were not idle; something had to be done, so a meeting of the National Labor Organisation—a federation of trades unions for collective Action, controlling about two-thirds of the organised labor of Sweden'—was palled, and at this meeting ft was togneed to call a general strike of all Workers in Sweden. , Aβ has already been pointed out, the Conflict originated in industrial disputes, but it was not long before it assumed a political character. And here the split , took place; no body of Srorkmeai can ever hope for success by mixing the two issues. On the industrial side the issue is clear. The men the employers , power of locktout as likely to render ineffectual any Attempt on their part to raise wages jbr to the conditions of labor. In their opinion, therefore, a general strike was not only likely to secure Hjertain immediate advantages, but was . also calculated to safeguard trade prion efficiency in the fuuire. Of the xjiitical side there is more obscurity. from this point of view the strike m Sweden was a fight for Socialism. The National Labor Organisation is Socialefcio both in its foundation and in its Mans, and it no doubt expected to gain ►plitioal advantages from f«be struggle ; but the precise nature of that adr&nibage and the lengths to which the ©aiders were Prepared to go does not Kfina. at aH clearly defined. The deJeed state of trade made the time en most unsuitable for a strike, the men as a whole could not apiate this aspect of the case, and & is very Little doubt that tliev ipdtated a confiiot which their lead- ( would Willing have postponed. A

■ reason for this impetuous action is not difficult to find. The men were convinced that a struggle was at hand —a struggle which could only have one ending under the then conditions —and ■ they waited expectantly for it. The threatened lock-out was to them the signal; the general strike was their ready response. Another serious blow to the cause of the strikers was the defection of the non-Socialist workers. These are organised in what is known as the Swedish Workers' Association, and comprise about one-third of the organised" workers of Sweden. The Association is on a non-political basis, and its constitution and rules have been drawn up on English trade union lines. Some of its members were connected with the disputes which gave rise to the recent struggle, and they were> consequently affected by the lock-out. When the general strike was declared the Association stood solid with the National Labor Organisation, and ordered all its members to cease work. So far there was unity of action. The dispute was an industrial one, and the interests of all woa'kers ■ were involved. But this did not last long; the political aspect soon caused a split. Result, chaos. In France we have the Confederation of Labor, which is by far the stcwigest and best organised Labor body in the Labor world. We also learn through the press that the "v/iiited Mine Workers of America have decided to bring the whole of the mine v/o'i-kors of Canada under its constitution. But the most interesting speculation in the trade union world is the result of the motion moved by Mr. Ben Tillett at the English Trade -Union Congress held in Sheffield last year. Mr. Tillett, in moving his motion in favour of the unification of labor, pointed out that, "so long as employers can fight us in sections, they will be successful." Hβ believed that the turmoil of the industrial revolution was already on them. "Employers will always be able to use the bludgeon of the lock-out so long as we are divided. Its a different condition of affairs when the mining, textile, and railway magnates declare war against us, they will not merely fight a section, for the whole organised trades of the country will take a hand." The Congress passed the following resolution: "That in the opinion of this Congress, the present system of sectional trade unionism is unable successfully to combat the encroachments of modern capitalism, and, while recognising the usefulness of sectional trades unionism, in the past and present, the Congress realises that much greater achievements are possible, and the redemption of the working-class would be hastened if all the existing unions were amalgamated by industries, with one central executive elected by the combined unions, and with power to act; unitedly whenever there is a strike or lock-out in any industry, thus making the grievance of one the concern of all. The Congccss therefore instructs its parliamentary committee to put themselves in communication with all the trade unions in Great Britain and ascertain their views on the above question; also to promote a general scheme of amalgamation and make a recommendation on the matter to the next Congress." The English trade unionists are evidently coming to their senses, so there is still hope, and more so when one follows the result of the above motion. We find that the Scottish miners, at their annual conference held at Ayro in the latter part of last year, passing a resolution in favour of an International Federation of Miners. We also see the formation of the National Transport Workers' Union. This tindon includes cab-drivers and taxi-drivers. And a federation of all branches of the textile workers is being farmed. "The British Steel Smelters," "The Iron and Steel Workers of Scotland," and "Amalgamated Society of Enginemen, Cranemen, Boilermen, Firemen and Electrical Workers." The executive of each of these three organisations has met together to discuss amalgamation. The, result is now being decided by the members to form one federation. The whole of the ironfounders and ironmoulders of England, Scotland and Wales have agreed to form a federation, so that by the time Congress meets again a Confederation of Labor will almost be an accomplished fact.

In Australia the outlook is not so promising. There we have already signs of a reaction amongst the workers, in spite of their much-talked-of Labor Party, which, after all is said and done, is only on a pair with the old Liberal Party of the Old Country. A political party of any country will always be a reflection of the industrial organisation of that country. Tfa& workers must be organised industrially towards a goal, and that goal ca.n omly be the industrial communism. That the workers of Australia don't know what they want is evident, by the result of the late referenda. Wβ in New Zealand are doing out part in the march. We have laid the foundation and building lowly but surely one of

the grandest federations the world has ever seen. It now remains with the workers how they respond to the appeal. The cause is in their hands; the future belongs to them to mould, it, say I; and in the words of Morris I appeal to you: "Ah, come, cast off all fooling For this at least we know: That the Dawn and the day <aape coining. And forth the banners g0. ,.