And Now ?

Maoriland Worker, Volume 2, Issue 14, 9 June 1911, Page 8

And Now ?

Our "leaders" of the past five weeks have been directed to a goal. That goal is—What Now ?

Aye, "What Now? We set out by showing that not only was Emancipation the worker's hope and his need, but was also practicable and impellent. Not only, therefore, was it The Wokkeb's aim, but our immediate demand. "We proved that economic emancipation was vital concern and duty of the workingclass, as no othor section, party or class had experienced its call nor felt its urge. But more than this even, we demonstrated that in a wondrous, yet logical manner, it was decreed that the workingclass alono could achieve humanity's liberation and bring itself and all others into Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.

Behind it was Training, in it was crystallised the redemptive Character, before it was Destiny. Evolution had fitted it for revolution, Social Revolution. As mankind had climbed, it must climb. Savagery had ripened and died, Serfdom had ripened and died, Wagedoui had ripened and—must die. Either the Ladder of Life was to be mounted, or lost footfold fling mankind into bottomless pit of failure and chaos. ' What emancipation meant and how it was to be gained we revealed. Then we established a case for New Zealand's possible win in the world-wide workingclass race to emancipation. As what had to be a universal process must have a beginning, why not in New Zealand ? As the thing was near and inevitable, why not in our time? First and foremost in Labor legislation, easily might New Zealand be first and foremost in Socialist practicalities. Why necessarily via Elsewhere to the Co-operative Commonwealth ?

If via N.Z. to freedom (really such and for the first time in history), then palliation was no longer chief factor in the situation, and so Away With Arbitration—away with arbitration as most distinctive embodiment of capitalistic palliation, and last resting place of capitalist morality and philosophy.

As negative had its positive, our destructive had its constructive'—lndustrial Unionism plus Socialist Politi-

cal Action. What each "way" held within itself, and the relationship of ono to the other, we illustrated.

And so, we arrived at a generalisation. It may be transcribed tlms : Economic emancipation practicable here and in our time by the- destructive- and constructive action of Industrial Unionism and Socialist Politics. Then—What Now?

Foremostly, every union into tho New Zealand Federation of Labor, which is pledged to Industrial Unionism, believes that the workers must emancipate themselves, and means business. All the authoritative exponents of workingclass science agree that Closer Organisation is imperative. All are unanimous in their emphasis upon industrial consolidation. All swear by unionism, whatever differences obtain among them respecting politics. The Direct Action of voluntary unionism, class solidification, agitator y effort—in mine and ship, in field and factory— all commend, expound and elevate.

Because Industrial Unionism is a unionism with grit and grip in it, it (unlike Carlyle's Constitution iii his mammoth "French Revolution") will march, and march to glorious deed and day. Because Industrial Unionism is inextinguishably in feud with the present system it will conquer, and conquer in achievement and blessing. Because Industrial Unionism is trustified Good, against trustified Bad, and in every respect logical successor to outworn trades unionism, it bears 'glad tidings of great joy" to each outraged and overloaded toiler. It is supreme as workers' "way/ 7 platform, and objective. Admitting that Industrial Unionism as form and plan of organisation is not yet with as in New Zealand, nevertheless its best expression and representation is the N.Z. Federation of Labor, and in due time the Federation will bo that bread-bringing Industrial Unionism. It is so plain that all the workers together would be invincible personification of Labor's triumph; so plain that all the workers together could laugh at employers and put to flight employers' interests and institutions; so plain that all the workers together would be invulnerable host and giant arbiter in all activities, that surely they all will see the promise of power and prowess, and get together swiftly to unitedly obtain Social Justice. If they will, all is possible to them. Might, Majesty Dominion—here and now. Careless may they be of tyranny and exploitation, careless concerning any antagonistic possibility or proposal, careless of political puppets and of devourers of virtue and manhood, if they will Stand Together.

They are the Majority. Right is with them, as are Tide and Time.

They have burdens. They are dependents. They have burdens and aro dependents because separated and divided. United, and no Minority could longer dictate to them, nor hound them and damn them.

Henoe, to enrol as a collective army, shoulder to shoulder for each and all, is the clamant need. Join, then, the Federation of Labor. Let the new blood in. Try the new tactic. Heel the rew message. Everything beneficial and progrossivo was once new. We are in the age of new-ness. All things New. Socialism in our time. Movement. Are we not men and women enough; are wo not noble enough, strong enough, to pass on to posterity something else besides debt ? And now ? Foremostly, perfected industrial organisation through the Federation of Labor —rock upon which shall" alert and awvakened New Zealand build her liberation. Nextly, Socialism-in-poli-tics.

Apparent on all sides is the lack in our parliamentarians of economic knowledge. These neither understand nor wish to understand the place of organisation in a _new Order. They are without guiding-thread called Materialist Conception of History: are drifters, messers, decoys, deceivers. They can do nothing for the workers but bleed them, harass them, disappoint them. They are useless. They are obstacles in the path. Fire them out! We want Socialist parliamentarians. Emancipation demands knowledge, conscience, courage. Socialism gives these—therefore, emancipation must come p-*!' Socialism, which is the politics of Industrial Unionism. Concurrently with swinging into unity upon the industrial field, we must have a slowly-growing force in Parliament to Write the Law for a reconstruction of society through an equaller distribution of wealth staggering in its immensity yet begetting nowadays moneyed prince upon back of moneyless pauper.

In this manner shall be reached a true eqtiilibrium between Industrial Unionism and Political Action.

The urgent lesson is that we realise our obligations and responsibilities and cease leaving to the future that which is best done now, and with lightning rapidity. Why must procrastination be the thief of time only when it injures the ruling class ? All that the people need is a square deal. Now, now I If we seek first the kingdom of Socialism all else will he added unto us. Let us seek. Aud now.